Electricity crisis in Zimbabwe: Stealing from Paul, to feed Peter

By Rawlings Magede

Energy Minister, Fortune Chasi recently outlawed the fitting of new electric geysers in a move aimed at reducing demand for electricity and encourage the use of renewable sources of energy. The Minister announced this in line with regulations contained in Statutory Instrument 235 of 2019.How this is going to be monitored and effected remains a complex puzzle. While such pronouncements are positive and seek to save power, the Minister was rather mum on how it was going to be enforced. The announcement follow an earlier communication on the breakdown of the Hwange power plant hence the need to increase load shedding.

In October this year, the power utility increased its tariffs by over 320 percent which translates to 162, 16 cents kilowatt hour. The justification for the hike was that the power utility needed to improve power supply. A month later after the astronomical hike, consumers are still exposed to more than 10 hours without power. In the past the energy Minister has threatened to lift the lid and shame Zanu pf bigwigs who owe the power utility a total of $300 million in unpaid electricity bills. This call however seems to be falling on deaf ears as none of those who owe the power utility has settled their bills. Ultimately it is the consumer who is made to pay the huge price of paying high tariffs. All these seemingly much ado about nothing concerns exposes the double standards by the power utility. On one hand, it has a list of those who owe it millions but for some reason such individuals continue to enjoy regular power supply while on the other it has a loyal consumer, who despite being consistent in paying bills is made to embrace more than 10 hours without power.

Recently, a High court judge, Justice Mary Zimba-Dube made a ruling that ordered Local Government,Public Works and National Housing Minister, July Moyo to pay $306 793 for electricity supplied at his Mavesere farm in Kwekwe. The power utility is owed millions of dollars by mostly ZANU PF members. The ruling by the high court comes at a time when the power utility has also taken former Defence Minister, Sydney Sekeremayi over a $327 481 bill in respect to his Ulva farm. The list of politicians who owe the power spills into millions of dollars. While the power utility has increased its tariffs and instigated complete blackouts across the country, its failure to recover debts owed by politicians has led many to question its sincerity in recovering debts.

Expecting too much from ZETDC?

ZETDC is a State Enterprise and Parastatal (SEP) owned by the state on behalf of the public. In terms of Section 195 and 195 of the constitution, state controlled commercial entities are expected to maintain commercial viability and adopt generally accepted standards of good governance in their operations. Over the years the imposition of retired military personnel to serve in the boards of parastatals has greatly contributed to the decay of state run entities. The individuals appointed into these boards are not appointed based on merit but on the basis that they are either war veterans or retired military personnel. Besides the imposition of such individuals to oversee the effective running of parastatals,ZETDC is also beset by a wide range of crippling factors that include vandalism, non-payment of bills by political elites and dubious tender processes. While Minister Chasi has made everyone believe that once the debt owed to power utility is paid up, normal power supplies will resume, that is not the case. Within the power utility are deep seated problems that range from maladministration to appointing grossly incompetent people to superintend over a power utility company that is already in a crisis. The unwarranted increase in tariffs will not translate into availability of power for the consumer but huge perks for those in the board and senior management. The unjustified hike also seeks to make the consumer pay the huge price of inconvenience that has been instigated by the reluctance of handful political elites to pay their bills.


In the final analysis the power crisis must be understood in its rightful context. We do not have power in the country not because the general public has failed to settle their bills. It is there because of the deep seated problems at the power utility such as an inept management that failed to embrace the need for renewable energy years ago and an incompetent board of appointees who continue to run down the entity by getting hefty perks.


Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. He is contactable on vamagede@gmail.com

Zimbabwe after Robert Mugabe: the more things change, the more they remain the same

By Rawlings Magede

Robert Mugabe has gone to meet his maker. While for now the tussle over his burial place has been put to rest after the family buried him in his rural home, it is now time to revert back to reality. There is no doubt that the tussle over Mugabe’s final resting place had diverted national attention. While on one hand, his former party ,ZANU PF has appeared to have lost that fight, there is no doubt that the final move by Mugabe’s family has further exposed the administration failure to even override Mugabe’s decision even in his death.

While Mugabe’s family and his loyalists continue to pontificate about his legacy, what remains factual is that during his reign, he ruled with an iron fist and cared less about his people. The Pan Africanist mantra can only be measured against his endless lectures at international platforms on the need to liberate Africa (Africa’s solutions, to African problems, whatever that means).I deliberately avoided writing an obituary on the life of Mugabe. What was quite interesting was the decision by Mugabe’s family to bury his remains in Zvimba at a time when President Emmerson Mnangagwa was out of the country. Its ramifications or controversies are discussions for another day.

The centre cannot hold!

There is no doubt that the government has failed dismally to rescue the country from an economic abyss. The confidence and expectation even of those in ZANU PF for Mnangagwa to initiate robust economic revival has fast faded. The once confident Finance Minister, Mthuli Ncube, has retired to his cocoon and equally conceded that economic revival is no child’s play.Daily,citizens wake up to an over flow of price hikes and announcements by service providers. The recent one came from ZESA that announced an outrageous hike in the cost for electricity. Salaries and wages for low income earners have remained constant as businesses continue to hike prices for basic commodities daily. The hardest hit of course remains pensioners, who get paltry allocations from NSSA as pension benefits. In all this Hokus Pokus, the administration does not appear moved. If anything, the president continues to charter planes to unknown destinations which are devoid of any rescue packages for the ailing economy. While on social media platforms such as twitter, the government through the Ministry of Information continues to launch a public relations offensive to extinguish veld fires that have set the economy ablaze, their message has since expired as citizens have become Siamese twins with problems bedeviling the nation.

Last week, in a bid meant to cushion urban commuters ,the government yet again announced the opening up of the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO) to commuter omnibus operators in a move that is “likely to improve convenience” for urban commuters. During a midterm budget review, Mthuli Ncube announced that government was paying 13million every month to subsidize the country’s public transport system through Zupco buses. While there is nothing wrong with reviving our public transport system, what should be worrisome is its sustainability in the long run. While today or tomorrow commuters can enjoy paying small fares, in the long run, it will have devastating consequencies.Even more worrisome is government’s capacity to generate enough revenue monthly to meet such costs given the serious hemorrhage in key sectors such as the extractive industries where millions of dollars continue to be siphoned on a daily basis. This brings me to the issue of cartels.

The rise of dark economies

While the ordinary citizens continues to suffer under the vice of mismanagement and corruption, there exist a secret society led by individuals connected to the current administration who run what Francis Fukuyama in his book, Political order and Political Decay calls shadow economies. These shadow economies are mostly found within the extractive industry. The main enforcers of these economies are gangs made up of violent gold panners. The orgy stories of machete wielding gold panners that continue to terrorize communities across the country are a representation of the existence of shadow economies .Their duty is to enforce and collect “tribute” in the form of raw minerals even from individuals who have mining claims. Of interest is while the taxman is busy chasing individuals and corporates, these shadow economies do not remit or pay any taxes due to political cronyism. The revenue lost through the operations of these shadow economies is quite substantial and has the capacity to revive the ailing economy.

In the final analysis, while the death of Mugabe might signal an end to his highly charged speeches, what remains factual is that his fall created an opportunity for other individuals to continue the plunder. For Zimbabwe, the more things change, the more they remain the same.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback vamagede@gmail.com

Debt trap diplomacy and its devastating effects on Zimbabwe

By Rawlings Magede

During a recent interview with Bloomberg news, Finance Minister, Mthuli Ncube revealed government’s plans to settle with global lenders, sell assets and make the difficult spending decisions needed for financial recovery.Ncube’s well read script is in line with government’s new trajectory on the Zimbabwe is open for business mantra which it hopes will set the country on a recovery path.

With the country set to complete an International Monetary Fund Staff Monetary Program in January 2020, there is optimism at least within government that the end of the monitored programme will bring good fortunes. An SMP is an informal agreement between country authorities and IMF staff in which the latter agree to monitor implementation of a nation’s economic programme. SMP does not entail financial assistance or endorsement by the IMF executive board. It aims to implement a coherent set of policies that can facilitate a return to macroeconomic stability. The completion of the monitored programmed is believed to have the potential to bring debt relief and improve the country’s borrowing power. While Mthuli insists that the monitored programme will help promote structural and policy reforms that will usher in macro-economic stability, the programme is not a silver bullet in itself as the history of the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS) of the 1990s have proved otherwise.

Wither social services?

While the government is busy trying to impress external lenders, the economy continues in its free fall mode with a crippling social services infrastructure that cannot cater for low income earners. This vast majority consist mostly of civil servants who have to grapple with a wage compression which has been exacerbated by adjustment of prices which has not been met with a corresponding increase in wages. The neoliberal policies of the government have seen it warming up to a series of reforms such as privatizing state-owned enterprises, addressing corruption and promoting private sector investments. Of course on the issue of corruption, its sincerity is yet to be demonstrated. Social services such as education and health have grounded to a halt .Of special mention is the privatization of health services. The proliferation of privately owned clinics and hospitals that cater for the affluent and rich highlight the devastating impact that the new route taken by government. The few public operational clinics and hospitals have become death centers where even painkillers are hard to come by. The 2013 constitution which has been hailed for its comprehensive bill of rights underpinned by fundamental human rights and freedoms have remain on paper with its benefits on social services yet to be enjoyed by citizens. Since the introduction of the austerity measures, there has been less prioritization of these services by government.

Repayment terms for mega deals remain secretive!

As a way of warming up to global capital, President Emerson Mnangagwa soon after the November 2017 coup went on an international offensive in a bid to charm capital. The Zimbabwe is open for business soon became the new swan song as the country inked several mega deals in the form of lines of credit even from countries such as Belarus and Khazakhstan.While the country is yet to derive benefit from some of these deals, the repayment for some of these loans and investments remains shrouded in mystery. Instead of celebrating that the country will receive investment, it is important for the government to make public the repayment terms. The secretive approach by government especially in the disclosure of repayment of loans is not new. In 2017, government announced that it was geared towards clearing foreign debt so as to attract fresh lines of credit. The announcement came after the country had in October 2016, settled a whooping 107 million arrears to the IMF.While international lenders continue to make inroads in creating bilateral relations with the government so as to extend lines of credit, it must be worrisome that the debt trap diplomacy by some of these lenders will keep the country in perpetual debt for the unforeseeable future. Added to this, so as to please these lenders, government will neglect the important role of providing social security to its citizens who have been hard hit by its neoliberal policies.

In the final analysis, it seems there is no going back on neoliberalism.Government is bent on austerity for prosperity never mind its devastating effects. The looming debt crisis will create a trap for future generations to come.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner and writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback vamagede@gmail.com

Zimbabwe law reform process, a long forgotten battle

By Rawlings Magede

In his book, Political order and political decay, Francis Fukuyama notes that patrimonialism which ancient dictators used to run down countries has now evolved into what is called “neopatrimonialism” in which political leaders adopt the outward forms of modern states-with bureaucracies, legal systems,elections,and the like and yet in reality rule for private gain. What strikes me about Fukuyama’s assertion is that his observation is at play in most African countries where some leaders have managed to “transform” their countries by effecting artificial institutions that remain subservient to the appointing authority.Fukuyama’s describes this as political decay which makes reform prohibitively difficult. What is rather disheartening about this is that citizens within such countries have taken a back seat and left the ruling elites to run the show and craft repugnant pieces of legislation that will have a bearing on future generations.

Recently, MDC-T Bulawayo legislator, Priscilla Misihairambwi Mushonga was quoted in the media expressing frustration over government’s commitment to bring about law reforms in the country. Kindness Paradza, the ZANU PF Makonde legislator also echoed Mushonga’s sentiments and highlighted that government was in the business of replicating past law under the guise of law reforms. An example being the Maintenance of Peace and Order Bill which seems worse off than its predecessor, the Public Order and Security Act (POSA).This revelation by the two legislators all but confirms the lack of political will on the part of government to ensure that existing laws that contradict provisions in the constitution are repealed totally. The new dispensation that many have castigated for being worse than the Mugabe era, has been on a public relations offensive trying to rebrand itself through its messaging that seeks to appease funding for its neo-liberalism policies. The Zimbabwe is open for business mantra has failed to find meaning and residence to the ordinary citizen who finds himself on the receiving end of the disastrous neo-liberal policies. The constitution for its part, while it has some progressive provisions on fundamental human rights and liberties has all but remained a document that makes good reading. Its implementation remains a distant dream. An example is the newly constituted Zimbabwe Anti-corruption commission (ZACC) that is well provided in section 254 of the constitution is chaired by the wife of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sibusiso Moyo. During a recent interview with BBC, Moyo dismissed the allegations that might affect his wife’s discharge of duties but argued that she is independent since she has been a judge before. And at the end, he jokingly said that he was not going to divorce her, a statement that in my view already diminishes public confidence in ZACC. When quizzed about the state of human rights, Moyo was quick to point out that the new dispensation has implemented “a lot of reforms” and provided freedoms that have never been experienced in the country’s history. This interview however exposes the neopatrimonialism that Fukuyama talks about. It would seem that Moyo’s unintended message is that the new dispensation did the nation a favour by implementing the “many reforms”. The reconstitution of ZACC must however be understood within its rightful context. Questions that citizen must ask is why the Goodson Nguni led ZACC was disbanded and what corrective measures has been done to ensure that ZACC will not be used as a tool for political witch-hunting this time around. All these much ado about nothing questions however is the missing puzzle within the current discourse on ZACC.

Citizen urgency vs Citizen Interest

One of the most disheartening issues relates to the state of our society today. While ruling elites have been on a public relations offensive trying to rebrand, the ordinary citizen has been busy on virtual space trading lame jokes or satire on the poor state of the economy. Closely related to this is the cancer of individualism that has found expression among citizens. Every government pronouncement towards neoliberalism has been met with a fair share of humour. From the electricity crisis to the banning of the multi-currency system, humour and satire has been pelted out in equal measure. While there is nothing wrong with citizens expressing disdain or frustration via social media, there has been a lack of conversations on the need for legal reform in relation to existing laws and the constitution. The current mess was brought about by weak institutions which over the years due to political decay failed to project and plan for the future. Strong institutions are only established when we have clear laws and policies in place that protect institutions. While people are quick to criticize individuals, the fact that we have ambiguous laws and policies in existence that violate the constitution should surely be a cause for concern. What the ruling elites have mastered over the years is the art delaying of games which on several occasions has allowed themselves to escape public scrutiny. With time on their side, they can then manipulate laws and policies that operationalize institutions to the detriment of the citizen. It is then not shocking that currently, government is trying to institute a series of laws that do not make democratic sense. For example the right to demonstrate and petition that is exclusively provided for in Section 59 is under serious threat. Enjoyment of such a right will remain on paper and never be enjoyed by the citizen. The citizen in Zimbabwe has since lost interest in contesting and demanding the enjoyment of rights provided for under the constitution. This is demonstrated by the lack of interest by citizens to attend bill consultations meetings called for by Parliament. While active participation in such processes by citizens is not in itself a magic bullet to reform laws, it is however a positive step towards the much needed legal reform.

In the final analysis, building a constitutional democracy remains the preserve of the citizen because of their inalienable right to choose leaders into public office. Surrendering the country to ruling elites will never set the country on a trajectory towards the achievement and enjoyment of democracy. But then again, maybe the neopatrimonialism that Fukuyama talks about is allowed to find roots by the citizen.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner. He writes here in his own capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

Zimbabwe’s plunge: a result of weak institutions

Sudan is currently engulfed in a political crisis a few months after the fall of former President; Omar Bashir.The former president had fallen out of favour with some members of the military who thought that his time at the helm was up. This is despite the fact that in 2018 alone, 70% of Sudan’s budget was dedicated to military and security sector. The important takeaway from Bashir fall is that military governments are difficult to prop up and sustain in countries with no proper and strong institution to foster constitutionalism and rule of law. Today, Sudan burns as the Transitional Military Council (TNC) which has been at the helm since the fall of Bashir has intensified its crackdown on peaceful protestors who are demanding a transition to civilian rule. What makes the situation dire in Sudan is the insincerity by the military leaders to negotiate and prioritize the need for a return to civilian rule. Recently, after heavy criticism from the international community, the TNC promised to resume negotiations with no conditions. Every attempt to dialogue by the Forces for Freedom, an umbrella of opposition political parties, has been met with lack of seriousness by the TNC.All this is taking place against a background where the former president had run down and rendered useless institutions such as the judiciary which would have been instrumental at this point in time.


Zimbabwe is no exception

The year 2013 was a significant year that was supposed to midwife a series of changes in the country’s history. The adoption of the new constitution offered an opportunity for the country to turn back the tide of dark historical imbalances that were ignored by the Lancaster constitution and replace it with a fresh wave of constitutional provisions that are underpinned by a very comprehensive bill of rights. The new constitution, that many credit for having progressive provisions on the freedom of the media, chapter 12 commissions that support democracy as well as extensive provisions that seek to empower women, children and girls is still a document yet to be fully implemented. Although the constitution is still faulty especially in light of the sweeping powers given to a sitting president, it is still a progressive document that if implemented religiously, will set the country on a new path of democracy. Unfortunately, the failure by the ruling elites to respect the independence of institutions established by the constitution is a reversal of gains made towards democratization when the constitution was adopted .To date; we have a constitution littered with progressive provisions that make good reading but lacks the implement on the ground. Youth League deputy secretary

On 24 June 2019, as Zimbabweans were coming to terms with the reintroduction of the Zimbabwean dollar by Finance Ministry, Mthuli Ncube, the ZANU PF Youth league was holding a low profile press conference at the party’s headquarters to announce officials who were involved in corruption. Youth League Deputy Secretary.Tongai Matutu had announced the previous week that on 24 June 2019, the Youth league was going to shame all officials involved in corruption. What made the press conference low profile was that Zimbabweans on 24 June 2019 woke up to the news that government had reintroduced the Zimbabwean dollar years after it was abandoned. The introduction of the currency caught people off guard and appeared rushed since no prior extensive consultations were done. What was interesting about the press conference was the notion of “much ado about nothing” aspect associated with press conference of this nature whose hype dies away before the actual day. Of course, Matutu only mentioned little known political lightweights that he singled out as the most corrupt officials involved in the fuelling of black market. Some of those singled out include, businessman Wickenel Chivhayo, Tafadzwa Musarara of the Grain Millers Association (GMAZ) and Henrietta Rushwaya.The biggest heavyweight was Reserve Bank Governor (RBZ), John Mangudya who was accused of fuelling the parallel market money market. What is quite interesting is that President Emmerson Mnangagwa recently renewed Mangudya’s contract, a sign that he still had confidence in him to run the affairs at the RBZ.Of course one will not be surprised that the recent revelation by the ZANU PF youth league is an attempt to railroad Mnangagwa to get rid of implicated officials in a new wave of political cleansing within the party. What is quite revealing about the press conference is the admission by the ZANU PF Youth league that institutions that are mandated by the constitution to effect arrests such as the police and the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC) have failed to fulfill their mandate due to the overwhelming influence that some of those connected to the ruling elites have. The state run newspaper, the Herald recently reported that corruption in the criminal justice system has seen scores of convicted people walking scot-free even after they lost their appeals at the High court. Weak institutions are not only found in the judiciary but cut across several constitutionally established commissions, parastatals, and government ministries among others. In part, Zimbabwe’s economic meltdown since independence is directly attributable to weak institutions which were captured by political gladiators of the time. From the demise of ZUPCO right to the NRZ, the issue of weak institutions is traceable. Weak institutions have been necessitated by continued conflation between Zanu pf and government.

In the final analysis, as long as Africa has weak institutions, development will continue to evade the continent. What Africa needs are strong institutions that must foster rule of law, respect for human rights, constitutionalism and democracy. To put it more aptly in the words of former American President Barack Obama during his maiden visit to Ghana in 2009.”African does not need strong men, it needs strong institutions”.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner and writes here in his personal capacity.vamagede@gmail.com

Social Media in Africa: the new diversion tool for authoritarian regimes

28 March 2019 marked a year since Chad banned the use of social media. The internet blackout in the North- West African country came after a series of protests broke out restricting access to the internet in the face of mass popular and political movements. This is a new trend synonymous with most authoritarian regimes in Africa. The first two months of 2019 saw five African countries; Algeria, Zimbabwe, Gabon, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan experiencing internet blackouts that were meant to thwart the mobilizing ability of social media. To date, Chad has continued with the blackout and this has crippled communication and retarded development in the north-central country. Perhaps the first considerable level of public attention on the impact of social media can be traced back to what is known or referred to as the Twitter Revolution that took place in Iran in June 2009.The Western news media were filled with reports of tech-savvy protestors using Twitter and other forms of new media to protest against the reelection of former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Back home, the ascendancy of President Emmerson Mnangagwa into the highest office in the land heralded a refreshing wave into Zimbabwe’s political arena. For the first time in the history of the country, a sitting President had a twitter account where he daily posts about government business. This was then followed by a massive exodus of Ministers and Legislators as they opened or reactivated long forgotten twitter accounts. All this was meant to encourage citizen participation in government processes as well as give real time feedback on how various government ministries were being run. This was a positive step given that recent statistics from Globalstats highlight that 18.43% and 41.47% of Zimbabweans are on Twitter and Facebook respectively hence this allowed citizens to interact, probe and highlight frustrations on the collapsing economy.

Has Social media helped democratize African countries?

Social media must be lauded as a platform that has enhanced citizen participation in the democratization of their communities and provided an avenue through which to vent emotions and frustrations. A cursory analysis of several countries however highlight that it has only served as a mass mobilization tool for uprisings and demonstrations. A good example is the way it was deployed in the fall of Sudanese President, Omar al Bashir .Several protestors posted live videos on the proceedings on the demonstrations against Bashir on social media platforms such as twitter just as a way of informing the outside world on the developments in Sudan. There is no doubt however as to the capacity of social media to mobilize masses. In 2010, in the Arab Springs, social media was massively deployed to mobilize and organize citizens in the ouster of Tunisian president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak. The media in this context focused heavily on young protesters mobilizing in the streets in political opposition, smart phones in hand. Networks formed online were crucial in organizing core group of activists, specifically in Egypt. Civil society leaders in Arab countries emphasized the role of internet, mobile phones and social media in the protests. Since then, this wave on the use of social media to mobilize during protests has gained prominence and has even energized citizens under authoritarian rule such as Uganda to mobilize during protests. Robert Kyagulany (Boby Wine) the Ugandan opposition leader has so far intensified massive protests against Yoweri Museveni’s government despite being arrested numerous times by the regime. “Any citizens’ uprising in any part of the world inspires people that share the same plight,” he says. “What has happened in Sudan gives us so much confidence that we can face the military that is armed to the teeth. We are inspired to believe that we can now peacefully protest and raise our voices,” he said during a recent interview after developments in Sudan. How he hopes to draw lessons from Sudan particularly on how to deploy social media among his young followers in his People Power Movement remains to be seen.

Do authoritarian regimes take social media serious?

Despite the ability of social media to mobilize citizens to protest or register displeasure on various governance issues, in authoritarian regimes, the ruling elites’ use of social media only serves for political correctness and a diversion meant to distract citizens on critical issues. In today’s Africa several presidents including Kenya’s Uhuru Kenyatta, South Africa’s Cyril Ramaphosa among others are quite active on social media platforms such as twitter.

Back home in Zimbabwe, our own president has a twitter account where he regularly posts. What is however odd about conversations on the twitter account is his lack of response on issues raised by citizens. The twitter account only posts activities by the President but the president never responds to any issues raised on his platform despite the fact that he has in the past even conformed through a video that the twitter account was actually his. As if that was not enough, his spokesperson, George Charamba in recent months announced and warned citizens not to take content on the president twitter account serious as it doesn’t always reflect the president’s position on things. He even went on to say that people (maybe those who man the twitter account) were putting words into the president’s mouth through the account.

Such a confession however confirms the widely held view that for the new dispensation, social media is rather a detour meant to hoodwink citizens into believing that the regime is serious about using social media to better their participation in governance issues. The same can be said for Presidents from Uganda, Paul Biya from Cameroon and Chad’s Idriss Deby among others.

In the final analysis, there is no doubt as to the ability of social media as an effective tool to mobilize and conscientize citizens on critical issues.However,its use by authoritarian elites in Africa remains insincere and serves as a one-dimensional process that defeats the spirit of active citizen participation and engagement.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practioner.He tweets at @rawmagede and is contactable on vamagede@gmail.com

Time running out for Healing and Reconciliation in Zimbabwe

Since the fall of Charles Taylor in 2003, successive governments in Liberia have failed to address the complex but yet fundamental issue of reconciliation. Former Liberian President Sir Leaf Johnson though touted as a woman who overcame the hurdles imposed by patriarchy, she failed however to initiate a conclusive wholesome healing and reconciliation process that would have helped to heal the country’s violent episodes of violence .She left the highest office on the African soil having set up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) but throughout her tenure in office, no meaningful reconciliation took place. Liberia has a long history of violent conflicts that took place in the early 1990s that left hundreds of thousands dead. To date, Liberia is home to victims of such a violent past who live in abject poverty due to the failure of government to offer reparations or a form of restoration of livelihoods. Past conflicts in Liberia left trails of destruction including victims of sexual violence, orphans, amputees and the disabled. One common feature of all successive governments in Liberia including the current administration led by former footballer, George Weah is the presence of alleged perpetrators in government. Both Weah and Johnson have tactfully avoided the need for prosecution of perpetrators to past conflicts. Liberia today is a country in dire need of a just and wholesome healing and reconciliation process but what lacks is the political will to tackle such a contentious issue that has potential to split the country if it remains unmanaged. Remember Liberia, remember Africa!

Mugabe and his legacy of healing and reconciliation

Former President Robert Mugabe’s long reign came to an abrupt halt before any meaningful traction on the much needed healing and reconciliation could be realised. His insincerity on the need for healing and reconciliation is well summed up by his careless comments on Gukurahundi when he remarked that such mass murders and unimaginable dark epoch was “a moment of madness”. His trivial approach to issues of healing and reconciliation was breathtaking and under his government, the national trudged on in anticipation that he was going to change his approach. So difficult was Mugabe that he even scuttled efforts to have findings of the Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe commission on Gukurahundi published and argued that the findings could spark violence over past wrongs. The Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe commission was a inquiry that was set up by Mugabe’s government to investigate mass killings in Matebeleland and parts of Midlands provinces between 1981-1987.During the tenure of Mugabe’s reign various pressure groups tried but failed to force Mugabe to make public the findings of this commission or even to just make a public apology as a step that would initiate a wholesome healing and reconciliation process. Just like in Liberia and other African countries that have episodes of conflicts, the presence of perpetrators in government made it even difficult for Mugabe to even attempt to prosecute those fingered in mass killings. On his part, Mugabe did however manage to leave behind a constitution in place that appreciates that the country has key reconciliation issues. That constitution establishes an independent commission, National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) whose mandate is to ensure post conflict justice, healing and reconciliation.

Wither Healing and Reconciliation in Zimbabwe?

When President Emmerson Mnangagwa came into power, he noted that it would be difficult for Zimbabwe to achieve progress without justice and reconciliation. For once victims from all across the country, who had been fighting for justice throughout Mugabe’s reign, embraced this glimmer of hope and hoped that the new administration was finally going to deliver on national healing. Since the unfortunate army killings on 1 August 2018, those hopes on the need for healing and reconciliation have been fading. His administration has made it clear that its priority is capital injection particularly Western capital as evidenced by the recent reports that Zimbabwe has cleared its International Monetary Fund (IMF) arrears. Mnangagwa’s stance on the need for justice for victims of state human rights abuse has become increasingly ambiguous. His recent comments during an interview on France 24 over the army killings all but show his disregard for human rights and how just like his predecessor, Mugabe still embraces state repression as a tool to quell public discontent. Adding to an already congested list of issues that need healing and reconciliation are the August 2018 shootings and the January 2019 military clampdown.

What remains inescapable is that time is running for the President to initiate a healing and reconciliation process that goes beyond the cheap sloganeering by some of his supporters on social media. There is no doubt that the national is divided along party and tribal lines. At this juncture, the only risk worth taking is to address the issue of national healing and reconciliation. Tribalism especially across the various tribes has its roots in unaddressed issues of healing and reconciliation that the ruling party has evaded since independence. Zimbabwe is a hurting nation and if issues of healing and reconciliation remain unaddressed, they have potential to explode into a crisis for generations to come.

In the final analysis, healing and reconciliation remain key to economic revival. The neo-liberal path that the government has chosen will further increase citizens distrust of government led policies. As citizens feel the squeeze of the austerity measures brought about by neo-liberalism, more lives will be lost yet again.

Rawlings Magede writes in his personal capacity and is contactable on vamagede@gmail.com

2019: Mnangagwa’s moment of truth beckons

The fever that gripped the nation when the election results for the 2018 elections produced a disputed outcome has died down. As reality begins to sink in, President Emmerson Mnangagwa administration is at sixes and sevens as it tries to rescue the economy from an abyss of turmoil and deterioration. The economy has continued to be in free fall since the elections with the cost of basic commodities spiraling compounded by acute fuel shortages .The January 2019 job action by proved to be the final provocation of the administration.Indeed,the government responded by deploying the military whose conduct in controlling the demonstration jeopardized Mnangagwa’s re-engagements efforts particularly with Western powers. Video footage of gross human rights abuses have started to filter weeks after the infamous shutting down of internet by the government. All this evidence has come just at the wrong time as there was traction on the international scene as some countries had commended the Mnangagwa’s administration for granting liberties such as the right to demonstrate and freedom of speech.

While the administration has somewhat managed to project itself as a listening government by deploying party cadres enmasse on social media who defend government policy to the tooth, the move has been blighted by a lot of inconsistency within government. The disharmony and lack of cohesion within ZANU PF has been demonstrated by discord among ZANU PF members especially on social media. The discord is even serious to the extent that at one time Mnangagwa distanced himself from a comment on his twitter account where he was calling for an inclusive dialogue. His spokesperson, George Charamba even warned citizens not to “believe everything that which is coming through” the twitter account. The truth however, is that ever since Mnangagwa took over, the country has been on an effortless descend into chaos on all fronts.

What happened to the Mega deals?

After usurping power from former President, Robert Mugabe, the state media went into overdrive, misinforming citizens that the ailing economy was on a rebound after ED had signed a series of mega deals .To date, none of those “mega deals” have injected the much needed oxygen into the comatose economy. Alas the state media has not stopped its propaganda agenda of churning out information to the effect that Mnangagwa has secured several rescue packages for the ailing economy. Whatever rescue package the new administration might secure, a lot of hurdles such as corruption will always stand in the way. But all this is another matter, another story for another day. Today I am not discussing this.

Fare thee well Re-engagement?

During a recent interview with France 24, President Mnangagwa all but admitted that he is still keen on reengaging with the West. When he was quizzed if Western powers were responsible for the recent demonstrations that rocked the country, Mnangagwa highlighted that he has never at any point accused any western power of sponsoring demonstrations. He only indicated that he has opted to use silent diplomacy to address what he felt was a foreign interference by submitting names and passport number of individuals supposedly from Western countries to their respective embassies in Zimbabwe. While this might appear simplistic, it however exposes Mnangagwa’s desperation to continue to engage with the West.

All these desperate attempts to try to lure capital have been dealt a heavy blow by the heavy handedness of security forces during the demonstrations that rocked the country in January 2019. The January 2019 disturbances add to the yet unresolved 1 August 2018 shootings where soldiers gunned down 6 civilians during a demonstration over the delay in the announcement of the July 2018 Presidential results. With calls in the United Kingdom growing louder each passing day over the need to deny Zimbabwe a swift readmission into the Commonwealth, the truth is finally beginning to sink for the new administration that it will take more than mere slogans to garner international support.

To Tango or not to?

There seems to be an internal conflict within ZANU PF.Firstly, the prospect for reengaging with the West is lucrative as it can open up more avenues for capital. However, such an opportunity has preconditions that the militarized administration cannot swallow. Some of those reforms include political freedoms such as observing the rule of law and free speech. In pursuit of such reforms, the government has dismally failed as evidenced by the unfortunate incidence of 1 August 2018 and the January 2019 violent military clampdown of opposition activists and Civil Society leaders. Secondly, there is another group in ZANU PF which doubts the West’s willingness to reengage and has already admitted that they have scuttled efforts to have sanctions lifted. This group is made of hardliners who are bent on retaining power at all costs and are less worried by the preconditions for re-engagement.

In the final analysis, 2019 will be decisive for Mnangagwa as the truth has started to slowly sink in. However, whatever choice Mnangagwa makes will not be in the interest of citizens but on his own parochial interests of retaining power and control of his party, ZANU PF.

Rawlings Magede writes here in his personal capacity.vamagede@gmail.com