Wednesday, March 30, 2022

Beyond ZEC, the country needs a credible Electoral Body

 By Rawlings Magede

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) turns 9 years this year having been established under Chapter 12 of the constitution in 2013. Its establishment was part of efforts by citizens to bring sanity to our electoral democracy especially after sham elections in 2002, 2005, and 2008 respectively. Since its establishment, the electoral body has done very little to inspire public confidence through its intents. After the 2013 elections that were generally peaceful, there were allegations that the electoral body had enlisted the services of an Israeli company, Nikuv to rig elections on its behalf. Though these allegations divided public opinion, they served to erode the little confidence citizens had in the new electoral body. As ZEC turns 9 years this year, has it fulfilled the aspirations of those that voted resoundingly in favour of the constitution in March 2013?

Our Electoral processes have always failed the test!

While the 2013 election was generally peaceful, reports of massive vote-rigging hampered the prospects of ZEC in presiding over free and fair elections. According to reports a complex confluence of factors accounted for the 2013 electoral outcome. In some cases, critics noted that the voters roll had ghost voters who ended up “voting” on Election Day. The term “ghost voters” became center stage after election results were released. In some constituencies, there were errors by the Commission which dealt a heavy blow to its credibility. Unlike the 2008 elections which were very violent, the 2013 elections exposed administrative gaps within the commission.

The 2018 elections, which were punctuated by a new President in Zanu Pf didn’t fare any better. Delays in the release of results exposed the commission's inability to be impartial. In constituencies such as Chegutu, the commission failed to vote-tallying of results and announced a losing candidate, Dexter Nduna as a winner. To this day, he represents this constituency in defiance of the principles of representative democracy. Former Zanu pf member, Jonathan Moyo has written a book dubbed “ExcellGate” that exposes how ZEC manipulated results using excel sheets. While allegations in this book must be taken with a pinch of salt, its contents must be seriously analyzed. Since the 2018 elections, a dark cloud of doubt and suspicion has engulfed our electoral democracy. A basic survey among citizens notes deep-seated problems of mistrust and suspicion by citizens over the inability of ZEC to preside over a free and fair election that meets international standards.

Enter March 2022 By-Elections!

The run-up to the elections was marred by a lot of inconsistencies on the part of ZEC. Electoral advocacy group Pachedu noted a lot of inconsistencies within the voters' roll that was to be used for the by-elections. In some instances, ZEC had either changed addresses or polling stations for some voters. On the day of the by-election, many voters failed to vote because their names were not on the voters' roll. This is besides that in the 2018 general elections, they managed to vote. Added to this, the by-elections were also marred by widespread violations of the Electoral Act mostly by the ruling party, ZANU PF. In Chivi South, for example, ZANU PF campaign vehicles were roving around polling stations soliciting votes on the day of the election. This violates Sections 160A (G, K) and 160A (7)(1e) of the Electoral Act.

Attempts by the newly formed Citizen Coalition for Change (CCC) Secretary-General, Charlton Hwende to get a voters roll earlier before the day of the by-election hit a snag as he was violently stopped by armed riot police from accessing ZEC offices in Harare. Against all the numerous anomalies raised by Pachedu, ZEC did very little to restore public confidence but proceeded with the by-election. True to what Pachedu noted around irregularities and inconsistencies with the voters roll, many people across constituencies were turned away and failed to exercise their right to vote.

The recent by-election has put the final death nail on our electoral democracy and on the ability of ZEC to preside over free and fair elections. In Epworth constituency where I was an observer, many people who were turned away had proof that they were registered and voted in the 2018 general elections. Some even went a step further by utilizing the mobile ZEC platform for registration to check if they were registered.

2023 Elections

Disbanding ZEC is tantamount to rewriting the constitution. Given that we are just a few months to go before the next election, it will be premature to call for the disbandment of ZEC. One of the key reforms that opposition parties have been pushing for over the years is the Diaspora vote. While ZANU PF and ZEC have been unrelenting on this, the opposition must restrategize. In my view; they need to redefine the “Diaspora” target citizens in neighbouring countries such as South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia. Citizens in these countries stand a better chance of voting in next years’ election. It is estimated that over 2 million Zimbabweans reside in South Africa. For the opposition, it then becomes imperative to think around modalities on how these people can be registered to vote in the 2023 general elections. Although this has its own challenges the fact that some political parties have branches or structures in some of these countries makes it even easier.

In the final analysis, ZEC has failed to inspire confidence even in a new set of voters on the horizon. The way it administered the March by-elections and the inconsistencies in the voters' roll have eroded citizens’ confidence. The 2023 elections will be nothing different.

Homeland or Death, Tinofa Tichienda!

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner, who writes here in his personal capacity. He tweets @rawmagede and is contactable on vamagede@gmail.com

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