Time running out for Healing and Reconciliation in Zimbabwe

Since the fall of Charles Taylor in 2003, successive governments in Liberia have failed to address the complex but yet fundamental issue of reconciliation. Former Liberian President Sir Leaf Johnson though touted as a woman who overcame the hurdles imposed by patriarchy, she failed however to initiate a conclusive wholesome healing and reconciliation process that would have helped to heal the country’s violent episodes of violence .She left the highest office on the African soil having set up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) but throughout her tenure in office, no meaningful reconciliation took place. Liberia has a long history of violent conflicts that took place in the early 1990s that left hundreds of thousands dead. To date, Liberia is home to victims of such a violent past who live in abject poverty due to the failure of government to offer reparations or a form of restoration of livelihoods. Past conflicts in Liberia left trails of destruction including victims of sexual violence, orphans, amputees and the disabled. One common feature of all successive governments in Liberia including the current administration led by former footballer, George Weah is the presence of alleged perpetrators in government. Both Weah and Johnson have tactfully avoided the need for prosecution of perpetrators to past conflicts. Liberia today is a country in dire need of a just and wholesome healing and reconciliation process but what lacks is the political will to tackle such a contentious issue that has potential to split the country if it remains unmanaged. Remember Liberia, remember Africa!

Mugabe and his legacy of healing and reconciliation

Former President Robert Mugabe’s long reign came to an abrupt halt before any meaningful traction on the much needed healing and reconciliation could be realised. His insincerity on the need for healing and reconciliation is well summed up by his careless comments on Gukurahundi when he remarked that such mass murders and unimaginable dark epoch was “a moment of madness”. His trivial approach to issues of healing and reconciliation was breathtaking and under his government, the national trudged on in anticipation that he was going to change his approach. So difficult was Mugabe that he even scuttled efforts to have findings of the Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe commission on Gukurahundi published and argued that the findings could spark violence over past wrongs. The Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe commission was a inquiry that was set up by Mugabe’s government to investigate mass killings in Matebeleland and parts of Midlands provinces between 1981-1987.During the tenure of Mugabe’s reign various pressure groups tried but failed to force Mugabe to make public the findings of this commission or even to just make a public apology as a step that would initiate a wholesome healing and reconciliation process. Just like in Liberia and other African countries that have episodes of conflicts, the presence of perpetrators in government made it even difficult for Mugabe to even attempt to prosecute those fingered in mass killings. On his part, Mugabe did however manage to leave behind a constitution in place that appreciates that the country has key reconciliation issues. That constitution establishes an independent commission, National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) whose mandate is to ensure post conflict justice, healing and reconciliation.

Wither Healing and Reconciliation in Zimbabwe?

When President Emmerson Mnangagwa came into power, he noted that it would be difficult for Zimbabwe to achieve progress without justice and reconciliation. For once victims from all across the country, who had been fighting for justice throughout Mugabe’s reign, embraced this glimmer of hope and hoped that the new administration was finally going to deliver on national healing. Since the unfortunate army killings on 1 August 2018, those hopes on the need for healing and reconciliation have been fading. His administration has made it clear that its priority is capital injection particularly Western capital as evidenced by the recent reports that Zimbabwe has cleared its International Monetary Fund (IMF) arrears. Mnangagwa’s stance on the need for justice for victims of state human rights abuse has become increasingly ambiguous. His recent comments during an interview on France 24 over the army killings all but show his disregard for human rights and how just like his predecessor, Mugabe still embraces state repression as a tool to quell public discontent. Adding to an already congested list of issues that need healing and reconciliation are the August 2018 shootings and the January 2019 military clampdown.

What remains inescapable is that time is running for the President to initiate a healing and reconciliation process that goes beyond the cheap sloganeering by some of his supporters on social media. There is no doubt that the national is divided along party and tribal lines. At this juncture, the only risk worth taking is to address the issue of national healing and reconciliation. Tribalism especially across the various tribes has its roots in unaddressed issues of healing and reconciliation that the ruling party has evaded since independence. Zimbabwe is a hurting nation and if issues of healing and reconciliation remain unaddressed, they have potential to explode into a crisis for generations to come.

In the final analysis, healing and reconciliation remain key to economic revival. The neo-liberal path that the government has chosen will further increase citizens distrust of government led policies. As citizens feel the squeeze of the austerity measures brought about by neo-liberalism, more lives will be lost yet again.

Rawlings Magede writes in his personal capacity and is contactable on vamagede@gmail.com

2019: Mnangagwa’s moment of truth beckons

The fever that gripped the nation when the election results for the 2018 elections produced a disputed outcome has died down. As reality begins to sink in, President Emmerson Mnangagwa administration is at sixes and sevens as it tries to rescue the economy from an abyss of turmoil and deterioration. The economy has continued to be in free fall since the elections with the cost of basic commodities spiraling compounded by acute fuel shortages .The January 2019 job action by proved to be the final provocation of the administration.Indeed,the government responded by deploying the military whose conduct in controlling the demonstration jeopardized Mnangagwa’s re-engagements efforts particularly with Western powers. Video footage of gross human rights abuses have started to filter weeks after the infamous shutting down of internet by the government. All this evidence has come just at the wrong time as there was traction on the international scene as some countries had commended the Mnangagwa’s administration for granting liberties such as the right to demonstrate and freedom of speech.

While the administration has somewhat managed to project itself as a listening government by deploying party cadres enmasse on social media who defend government policy to the tooth, the move has been blighted by a lot of inconsistency within government. The disharmony and lack of cohesion within ZANU PF has been demonstrated by discord among ZANU PF members especially on social media. The discord is even serious to the extent that at one time Mnangagwa distanced himself from a comment on his twitter account where he was calling for an inclusive dialogue. His spokesperson, George Charamba even warned citizens not to “believe everything that which is coming through” the twitter account. The truth however, is that ever since Mnangagwa took over, the country has been on an effortless descend into chaos on all fronts.

What happened to the Mega deals?

After usurping power from former President, Robert Mugabe, the state media went into overdrive, misinforming citizens that the ailing economy was on a rebound after ED had signed a series of mega deals .To date, none of those “mega deals” have injected the much needed oxygen into the comatose economy. Alas the state media has not stopped its propaganda agenda of churning out information to the effect that Mnangagwa has secured several rescue packages for the ailing economy. Whatever rescue package the new administration might secure, a lot of hurdles such as corruption will always stand in the way. But all this is another matter, another story for another day. Today I am not discussing this.

Fare thee well Re-engagement?

During a recent interview with France 24, President Mnangagwa all but admitted that he is still keen on reengaging with the West. When he was quizzed if Western powers were responsible for the recent demonstrations that rocked the country, Mnangagwa highlighted that he has never at any point accused any western power of sponsoring demonstrations. He only indicated that he has opted to use silent diplomacy to address what he felt was a foreign interference by submitting names and passport number of individuals supposedly from Western countries to their respective embassies in Zimbabwe. While this might appear simplistic, it however exposes Mnangagwa’s desperation to continue to engage with the West.

All these desperate attempts to try to lure capital have been dealt a heavy blow by the heavy handedness of security forces during the demonstrations that rocked the country in January 2019. The January 2019 disturbances add to the yet unresolved 1 August 2018 shootings where soldiers gunned down 6 civilians during a demonstration over the delay in the announcement of the July 2018 Presidential results. With calls in the United Kingdom growing louder each passing day over the need to deny Zimbabwe a swift readmission into the Commonwealth, the truth is finally beginning to sink for the new administration that it will take more than mere slogans to garner international support.

To Tango or not to?

There seems to be an internal conflict within ZANU PF.Firstly, the prospect for reengaging with the West is lucrative as it can open up more avenues for capital. However, such an opportunity has preconditions that the militarized administration cannot swallow. Some of those reforms include political freedoms such as observing the rule of law and free speech. In pursuit of such reforms, the government has dismally failed as evidenced by the unfortunate incidence of 1 August 2018 and the January 2019 violent military clampdown of opposition activists and Civil Society leaders. Secondly, there is another group in ZANU PF which doubts the West’s willingness to reengage and has already admitted that they have scuttled efforts to have sanctions lifted. This group is made of hardliners who are bent on retaining power at all costs and are less worried by the preconditions for re-engagement.

In the final analysis, 2019 will be decisive for Mnangagwa as the truth has started to slowly sink in. However, whatever choice Mnangagwa makes will not be in the interest of citizens but on his own parochial interests of retaining power and control of his party, ZANU PF.

Rawlings Magede writes here in his personal capacity.vamagede@gmail.com