Government’s COVID-19 monthly payouts insincere

By Rawlings Magede

Finance Minister, Mthuli Ncube is at it again. This time around he has announced that one million households will start receiving $3oo monthly payouts as part of government’s efforts to cushion people whose sources of income have been affected by COVID-19.Treasury’s Chief Director of Communications and Advocacy, Mr Clive Mphambela was quoted in the weekly Sunday mail confirming that the money for such an exercise has already been budgeted for and approved.

Given the astronomical rise in the cost of living, the $300 payout will do little to ameliorate the plight of the suffering citizens especially those in rural areas.The COVID 19 induced lockdowns across the world has seen a dip in diaspora remittances that has become the major source for rural livelihoods. Added to this, the closure of boarders has also dealt a heavy blow to cross boarder traders. Of course the Ministers’ announcement all but confirms government’s “copy and paste” approach that has seen the country religiously following lockdown measures being implemented down of Limpopo. This time around Mthuli has announced a relief package almost similar to that of South Africa with the only difference being that in South Africa the package amounts to R350 while ours is a mere $300.South Africa currently has Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grants which are a temporal provision of assistance intended for persons in dire material need that they are unable to meet or their families’ basic needs during the COVID 19 lockdown. Unlike in our case, South Africa has a clear laid out criterion to identify beneficiaries which helps safeguard against manipulation or abuse of the scheme.

The announcement by Mthuli is not new as in April 2020, he also announced a similar $600 million package for COVID 19 relief cash transfer to cushion vulnerable households whose income had been affected by the COVID 19 induced lockdown. To date, government has not made public the total number of households that benefitted from this facility for the purposes of transparency and accountability. If anything, some reports have pointed to partisan implementation of the facility.

Government’s insincerity exposed

$300 translates to a paltry US$3 on the parallel market. With this amount, one can only purchase a 2litre bottle of cooking oil. Other basic commodities are now being charged in foreign currency or the Zimbabwean dollar equivalent. A 10kg of mealie meal now costs US$5,a 2kg sugar US$2.50 and a 2kg flour US$2 respectively. The $300 monthly payout by government exposes government insincerity when it comes to the welfare of its own people and falls hard on the glaring reality of the high demand f the US dollar for basic commodities by most businesses. For rural communities however, this development is going to come at a huge cost. Local money changers will likely prey on beneficiaries of these government monthly payouts and distort the exchange rate so much that the money will fail even to buy a 2 litre bottle of cooking oil.

A case of misplaced priorities

There is no doubt that government is caught up in a catch 22 situation. Government has been exposed for prioritizing issues that are not on the top of citizens’ wishlist.In 2019, a report surfaced of how government had paid US$500, 000 to a United States based lobby group canvassing for the removal of targeted sanctions imposed on top ZANU PF officials. The US lobby group led by one Brian Ballard was to have targeted sanctions on 141 individuals and entities in Zimbabwe removed. The campaign for the removal of sanctions by the government appears to be retrogressive as on one hand, government commitment to respect and uphold fundamental human rights and freedoms of its citizens remains questionable. The recent arrest of investigative journalist, Hopewell Chin’ono and Transform Zimbabwe leader, Jacob Ngarivhume demonstrates the lack of commitment by government to respect human rights. The Chin’ono arrest reminds me of how Frank Fukuyama in his book, Political Order and Political Decay explains the link between corruption of ruling elites and shadow economies. These shadow economies are usually exempted from paying taxes at the instigation of ruling elites and are oiled by well orchestrated illicit activities and can deploy the “mafia” to silence and crush those that seek to expose entrenched acts of corruption among ruling elites.

Coming back to the issue of the US$500,000 that was given to a dubious firm, how many people would have benefitted had government donated that money for COVID 19 relief? As corruption is busy bringing down Africa’s once prosperous economy, the country continues to slide further into turmoil. Citizens are restless and there is consensus among the generality of citizens that the ZANU PF government does not have solutions to the current state of affairs. Recent revelations by Finance Minister Mthuli Ncube during his mid-year budget review that the country will record its worst Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows in more than a decade this year should be a cause for concern. According to his projections, the country will only receive US$150 million this year as compared to US249.5 million recorded in 2019.

In the final analysis, government must be called to order over its lack sincerity with regards to the COVID 19 monthly payouts. The paltry $300 monthly payouts reveal government’s lack of concern and commitment to take care of its citizens during these desperate times. Government’s the world over are coming up with reasonable relief payouts in the wake of COVID 19 lockdowns. South Africa is giving out monthly payouts of R350 to its vulnerable citizens. From that amount, its citizens are able to purchase all the basic necessities to take them throughout the month. It is time our government demonstrates serious in this regard.


Rawlings is a Communication for Development expert with vast interests in human rights, peace building and sustainable development. He writes here in his personal capacity and has been a blogger since 2009.He has written extensively on Zimbabwe’s constitution making process, politics, peace, devolution and media advocacy. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

Why the fight against corruption in Zimbabwe is matter of life and death

By Rawlings Magede

Section 254 of the Zimbabwean constitution establishes the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC). One of the key functions of this commission is to investigate and expose cases of corruption in the public and private sector. Since the adoption of the constitution in 2013, the role of this commission has come under spotlight especially when it comes to corruption cases involving ruling elites. Critics have questioned the commissions’ independence from political influence and its ability to decisively deal with corruption.

As a way of trying to restore sanity within ZACC, President Mnangagwa in December 2019, fired the entire ZACC Commissioners over allegations of corruption. However, such a move did not make ZACC stronger but further eroded public confidence in the commissions’ independence. It turned out that the newly appointed Chairperson of ZACC Justice Loice Matanda-Moyo, is wife to Foreign Affairs Minister Sibusiso Moyo,a top ally of President Mnangagwa who was instrumental in the 2017 military led coup. Critics have highlighted that she is conflicted to take up that position due to the above reasons. In the absence of strong institutions that can nip corruption in the bud, the country witnessed a surge in activists who took their frustrations of lack of action on corruption by the state to micro blogging sites such as Twitter.

On 20 July 2020, police raided and arrested an investigative journalist, Hopewell Chin’ono. Before the arrest, the journalist recorded a video where members of the security services were captured in the footage harassing the journalist and directing him to stop recording. Chin’ono must be credited for using non-violent means to mobilize citizens to register their concerns to the government.His activism on social media had a wider appeal even among diasporians who over the years had taken a back bench. His arrest though highlights the impact of his activism which has seen social media users taking government officials to task. One prominent corruption case he exposed involves Drax International and President Mnangagwa’s son, Collins. In typical money heist fashion, Drax International was awarded a dubious US60 million contract to supply equipment to spread of COVID 19.The Drax scandal also sucked then Health Minister, Obadiah Moyo who was temporarily arrested and later relieved of his duties. His other campaign dubbed #UnfollowEd saw more than 12 000 people unfollowing President Mnangagwa on twitter. From then on, Hopewell became the talk of town by ZANU PF members who described his fight against corruption as foreign sponsored. ZANU PF politburo member, Patrick Chinamasa in a televised press conference, described Chin’ono as an unscrupulous character and warned that continued systematic targeted attacks on the First family were supposed to stop. The arrest of Chin’ono does not come as a surprise as the regime is on an offensive to silence its critics and cover up on its nefarious activities especially in relation to awarding of government tenders. Despite all this public information on corruption cases, ZACC continues to sleep on duty.

Zimbabwe’s legal framework on corruption

Domestically, the country has codified and enacted a significant portion of its principal anti-corruption legislation (the Criminal Law (Codification and reform) Act and the Anti-Corruption Act. This has been followed up by the signing and ratification of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) in 2004 and 2007 respectively. The UNCAC is a legally binding anti-corruption agreement applicable on a global basis. Under this key convention states committed to implement a wide and detailed range of anti-corruption measures that affect their laws, institutions and practices. These measures promote prevention, criminalization and law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. Notably for Zimbabwe, the full implementation of the provisions of the UNCAC is not yet complete. The Anti-corruption Act is notable as it exhibits a clear desire by Zimbabwe to fulfill the obligations placed on it by the UNCAC.It is the enforcement of this legislation that remain a challenge even today. A typical example of how government has reneged on promises to uphold and implement its obligations relates to the comprehensive bill of rights that is provided for in Chapter 4 of the constitution. The Bill of Rights sets out rights and freedoms that the people of Zimbabwe are entitled to by virtue of being human beings. These rights are constitutional rights and are therefore legally binding. Besides the provision of rights such as the right to human dignity, personal security, freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, freedom of expression, freedom to petition to petition and demonstrate, the state continues to criminalise and arrest citizens who dare exercise such rights. The latest incident being that of Chin’ono and Transparency Zimbabwe leader, Jacob Ngarivhume. At the time of writing, the two are in police custody awaiting trial. According to the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR),Chin’ono has been charged with incitement to participate in a gathering with intent to promote public violence as defined in Section 187 (1) of the Code as read with section 37 (1)(a) of the Code. Ngarivhume arrest also comes at a time when he was busy mobilizing citizens for a 31 July 2020 demonstration against corruption.

In the final analysis, the arrest of Ngarivhume and Chin’ono expose governments’ insincerity and lack of political will to decisively deal with corruption. There is consensus among the general public that corruption and not sanctions is the Achilles heel in government’s efforts to turn around the economy. Further to this, despite signing and ratification of the UNCAC in 2004 and 2007 coupled together with domestic pieces of legislation such as the Anti-Corruption Act, government has aptly demonstrated lack of political will to implement fully provisions provided in its own laws. The fight against corruption is everyone’s fight and knows no political affiliation.

Rawlings is a Communication for Development expert with vast interests in human rights, peace building and sustainable development. Rawlings writes in his personal capacity and has been a blogger since 2009 where he has written extensively on Zimbabwe’s constitution making process, politics, peace, devolution and media advocacy.