By elections in Zimbabwe: Why we need new Electoral Laws to cover contingencies relating to Pandemics

By Rawlings Magede

In 202O, Health Minister Constantino Chiwenga through Statutory Instrument (SI) 225A (Public health COVID -19 Prevention, Containment and Treatment Regulations) suspended the holding of by-elections. While the ban has been challenged in court, the outcome is still pending. Arguments that have been used to challenge the ban include Section 159 of the constitution that requires vacant elective public offices to be filled within 90 days and the lack of extensive multi-stakeholder consultations with citizens, Parliament, political parties, the academia and civil society and other key stakeholders.

In my view, the bigger conversation or argument should be that our electoral laws are defective as they do not cover contingencies relating to pandemics and other emergencies. Just as John Nkengasong of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention has argued that “COVID-19 will not be the final pandemic to challenge the world as more pandemics will emerge in the future”. In light of this, it becomes imperative  that serious planning occurs to ensure greater preparedness for the next outbreak, as scientists have noted that pandemics are likely to be more frequent in the future as a result of the environmental damage caused by human activity.

The world has always struggled containing pandemics!

Europe first declared “war” on cholera in the 19^th century. It didn’t defeat the disease in the short term but struggled putting it under control. In 1918, influenza emerged from a real war and swept the world unchecked by either policy of medicine. Forty years ago, AIDS challenged the confidence of medical science. AIDS is still with us today but we have learned to live with it, chiefly because of community activism and emancipatory politics. Closer to home, Zimbabwe has over the years failed to control diseases such as cholera. Though the disease continues to pose challenges owing to issues of unsafe water, citizens have adapted by using chlorine for drinking water. The same approach can be adopted to tackle COVID 19 in the long term. Drastic measures such as banning of by –elections are not only desperate but expose government’s lack of a proper disaster risk reduction strategies during pandemics.

What needs to be done going forwad?

A starting point will be to update our electoral laws to better cover all contingencies relating to pandemics and other emergencies. Without clear laws designed to deal with contingencies, banning of elections becomes inevitable especially if it threatens public health. The banning of elections in Zimbabwe has also has its own controversies. It came at a time when serious fissures within a fragmented opposition saw a number of Legislators loyal to MDC  Alliance President, Nelson Chamisa were recalled by the Douglas Mwonzora led faction. The recalls clear have been instrumentalised for political gain as there seems to be no valid reason why by-elections remain banned especially after relaxation of lockdown measures. As the debate on the ban of by-elections rages on, the 2023 elections are fast approaching and in my view the idea is to delay ruling on court cases until such a time when it would not make much sense for the electoral body to conduct elections a few months before the 2023 plebiscite. Citizens who voted for representatives of their choice right from Council to Parliament are the biggest losers in all this. Representative democracy entails that citizens elect representatives who propose and vote on legislation or policy initiatives on their behalf. Their right to elect a representative of their choice has been mutilated as political dithering and stratagems win the day.

Secondly, since government’s resources have been mostly channeled towards the fight against COVID 19, plans for emergency budgetary support for the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) must be put in place to allow the holding of elections during disasters. Another solution will be to minimize or put in place measures aimed at reducing the number of voters who travel long distances to cast their vote but in our case it is not applicable given the challenges with our electoral democracy. In my view, by elections will not pose a great risk to the spread of COVID 19 given that only a few constituencies have been affected by the recalls. One sure way of getting this done will be to implement the simplest measures for preventing the spread that require a large amount of public compliance such as wearing of masks and social distancing. Widespread compliance with election related protocols can be boosted if the public understands the risks associated with the pandemic and why the protocols are important in reducing transmission.

In the final analysis, the banning of elections by Minister Chiwenga was not only premature but greatly expose gaps within our electoral laws to deal with contingencies relating to pandemics and other emergencies such as COVID 19.A useful approach to deal with the issue of pending by-elections was not to abuse a Statutory instrument to mutilate electoral democracy but to establish a mechanism such as an inter-party advisory committee on elections. This committee which will be compromised of representatives of various political parties can then consult their constituencies and devise measures that ensure that Section 169 of the constitution that provides for the filling of electoral vacancies is upheld.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

 

Zimbabwe’s Look East Policy and its Pitfalls

By Rawlings Magede

China’s international resource push began in earnest in 1999, when it’s Going Global Strategy liberalized investment policies and provided financial incentives to encourage overseas investments and contracts. Such a strategy was necessitated by a depletion of its own domestic resources. This scenario then forced China to create partnerships with African countries, a development that has created suspicion across the African continent as most people assume that it is a new form of neo-colonialism.

The turn of the millennium saw a drastic change in Zimbabwe’s foreign policy. The disagreement between Zimbabwe and the European Union (EU) in 2003 led to capital flight and economic depression and this resulted in Zimbabwe being isolated from the EU in the form of targeted sanctions. With no viable source for continued support, the country retraced its historical roots and deepened relations with China and this culminated into Zimbabwe adopting a look East policy. The relations between the two countries date back to the war of liberation and were cemented more by the refusal of Russia to provide military support to ZANU PF but rather chose to back ZAPU.Of course all this was part of an ongoing Cold war and a fight for hegemony in Africa.

Since 2003, China has increased its activities in the country and has made massive profits through resource exploitation. According to statistics, trade between the two countries have amounted to more than US 1.1 billion with China the biggest buyer of Zimbabwean tobacco and also importing cotton various minerals. Chinese state construction firms have also been active, building infrastructure including Zimbabwe’s US $100 National Defence College. In 2016, China agreed to finance a new 6500 seat Parliament. The Chinese have invaded every sector from Mining, Manufacturing and Agriculture which form the bedrock of economic revival in the country. However, China’s investment in Zimbabwe has its own pitfalls that have over the years been downplayed.

Look East and disregard Human Rights?

The height of Chinese involvement in the country was when Chinese companies were granted concessions to exploit diamonds in Chiadzwa. Their mining activities left a trail of destruction including forced displacements of thousands of people. The displaced were resettled in Arda Transau; a barren area situated about 30km away from Mutare. The area has no social amenities, no agricultural land and grazing land for their livestock. Since the displacements, Chinese companies have reneged on promises that they made to the people and attempts by pressure groups to address this has been met with stiff resistance by the government. This has been compounded by the fact that the diamond companies have closed shop and halted their operations. The displacements dislocated the livelihoods and socialities of the people and exacerbated people’s vulnerability to livelihood shocks, insecurity and poverty. Over the years, the Chinese have spread their economic tentacles to every province in the country. Reports of forced displacements, poor working conditions and in some instances beatings have been recorded at mines owned by Chinese companies. Over the years, shocking details of gross human rights abuse have also emerged where Chinese officials are seen assaulting workers. The assault of a Chief Chivero in 2019 by a Chinese national in Norton is one such case. Amidst all these gross human rights violations by Chinese companies, the government does not appear moved. Such cases have been downplayed and dismissed while human rights violations continue unabated. The media particularly the State owned media has continued in overdrive praising Chinese projects while underreporting cases of human rights abuse against citizens by Chinese companies such as forced displacements.

 More recently, the Newsday reported that hundreds of Chivhu Villagers are set to be evicted off their ancestral land to pave way for a 12 000 hectare Iron and steel mining project by a Chinese company, Tsingshan Group Holdings. The experiences of Marange families, who were displaced from the ancestral land and dumped at Arda Transau between 2009 and 2015 and over 3000 families of Tokwe-Mukosi who were relocated to Chingwizi, are testimony of how relocation exercises in Zimbabwe have failed to uphold the rights of the affected communities.

On the other hand, the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development has continued dishing out mining and exploration special grants to Chinese companies to achieve its 12-billion –dollar mining economy target  unveiled in 2019.This however comes at the detriment of local communities that have been invaded by ambitious fortune hunters armed with special grants. Since the Look East policy was adopted in 2003, the country has recorded nationwide land conflicts as communities are exposed to forced evictions due to prospects of mining activities. Constitutional Provisions such as Section 74 of the constitution that provides for Freedom from arbitrary eviction have been ignored.

In the final analysis, the Look East policy while it has recorded considerable development, , it’s implementation  by Chinese companies has also witnessed wanton disregard of fundamental human rights and freedoms of citizens. The government must meaningfully engage local communities before awarding extractive contracts to investors. This will give citizens the opportunity to give or withhold their consent in line with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).

 Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

 

 

2023 and the Youth Demography in Zimbabwe

By Rawlings Magede

 When former Tanzanian President John “Pombe” Magufuli passed away earlier this year in March, Tanzanian pop artists led the country in the mourning process by composing songs that celebrated some of his achievements. What was shocking for outsiders like me was how Magufuli was popular among young people in Tanzania who seemed to have paid a blind eye to his authoritarian tendencies during his reign. His famous clarion call “Tuliwekewa mawazo” which means we have been labeled as poor was one of his strategies to rally young people and allow themselves to contribute to the recovery of the country. This tactic seemed to have paid dividends given that about two thirds of Tanzania’s 58 million population is under the age of 25.

The use of youths to spearhead political campaigns is not new. In Zimbabwe ahead of the 2018 elections, the late President, Robert Mugabe conducted countrywide Youth Interface meetings to garner election support. In all his faults, he was cognizant of the youth demography that was the game changer ahead of the elections and aware of the hurdles preventing youths from active participation. One of these issues is the nature of our politics. The current crops of youths have horrific stories to tell about the consequences of being actively involved in politics. The widely held view among the youths is that politics is a dangerous game. The vicissitudes of past electoral violence in 2002, 2005 and 2008 have constantly reminded youths of the dangers and risks that exist within the political arena. This has relegated them to being spectators despite the fact that they make up the majority of the population. While it is commendable that diverse stakeholders are rallying youths to vote, it remains to be seen if the majority of them will find time on the day of voting. In 2018, the majority of those who had been registered either failed to vote or gave the obvious excuse of not having confidence in our electoral democracy.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa has picked from where his predecessor left. The only difference is that he is targeting youthful artists and socialites who use their considerable following on social media to drum up support for him ahead of the 2023 plebiscite. More recently, Dancehall artist, Enzo Ishall whom many believed was going through emotional stress and mental health issues was pictured with President Mnangagwa sons. So far reports indicate that President Mnangagwa’s sons have helped him set up a business venture. This latest development adds to an already considerable number of artists who have aligned themselves to the ruling party. In the past, Socialite Passion Java recruited Tyra Chikocho (Madam Boss), Felistas Murata (Mai Titi) and purchased for them top of the range vehicles. More recently, Bulawayo based artist, Sandra Ndebele joined the ruling party campaign team in that region under the banner of Young Women in Economic Development. She has already hit the ground running by recruiting women to get empowerment in exchange of supporting the ruling party.

What remains to be seen is whether this mass recruitment will deliver the much needed votes for ZANU PF and end domination by opposition party, MDC Alliance in urban centres. The 2021 Digital Report indicates that in January 2021, there were 1.30 million social media users in Zimbabwe in January 2021. These statistics highlight that social media alone is not enough to mobilize voters. The blurring reality is that very few people use social media in Zimbabwe. In other countries like South Africa for example, there are about 25 million social media users against a population of over 60 million. In that context, devoting more resources on social media campaigns is a positive step. In our context besides having a limited number of social media users, the high price of data remains a factor. Whilst Whatsapp is most used even by those in rural areas, the cost of data restricts all communication to text format instead of interactive videos that require more data.

ZANU PF’s recruitment drive is however not without its own faults. While Socialites like Java enjoy unfettered access to the presidium, the ordinary foot soldier hardly enjoys such benefits. The only thing that socialites bring is the “following” on social media which in some cases is not representative of the population dynamics in the country. The Diaspora claims a significant chunk of that following and given that we do not have the Diaspora vote in Zimbabwe, this can backfire. Closely linked to this is the fact that over the years, youths within the ruling party have complained over the lack of direct access to the Presidium. The intermediaries between them and the Presidium have been blamed for using youths to further their own parochial agendas while neglecting their concerns. What this has created is a sense of resentment for the Presidium on the basis that it does not engage this important constituency.

As the 2023 elections approach, it seems every party has gone into campaign mode. Rural areas that are still reeling from the effects of COVID 19 owing to issues of vaccine hesitancy have been invaded and have become the hunting ground once again. What remains to be seen is if the decision by the ruling party to recruit artists and socialites to drum up support will yield results. Only time will tell.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity.

 

Covid 19 is the new norm: Zimbabwe does not need a lockdown

By Rawlings Magede

A recent report by the World Health Organisation (WHO) revealed that only over 1 percent of Africa’s population has been fully vaccinated against Covid 19. Africa has a population of over 1 billion. What is worrying is that the total number of those vaccinated in Africa as compared to other continents is very low. According to the New York Times Covid 19 tracker, Africa has the lowest number of doses administered per 100 people as compared to other continents. Africa has just 3.6% vaccination rate, the lowest out of the 6 continents.

According to latest figures, a total of 140 040 people have succumbed to Covid 19 in Africa. While this number is high, it is considerably lower those other continents such as Europe that have recorded more than 3million deaths since the covid 19 outbreak. Europe has instituted stricter Covid 19 lockdowns than Africa yet the fatalities have been considerably high. This development exposes the efficacy of lockdowns in significantly reducing casualties. More worrying is that research has shown that in poorer countries, changes in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) have a much bigger effect on life expectancy than in richer countries. Since the outbreak of the virus, the clarion call for most African countries has been “put lives before the economy” which have been used as justification to employ stricter lockdowns that ignores economic realities. While restrictive lockdowns might save lives in the short term in higher-income countries with stronger safety nets and fewer people in poverty, they are much more likely to cost a large number of lives in lower income ones.

The African Development Bank (AFDB) in one of its recent reports notes that the GDP of most African countries which had been typically rising over the years, collapsed in 2020 due to COVID 19 induced lockdowns. Several economies such as Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Africa have declined by as much as about 10 %.This is so because the economic activity for the majority of economies for the countries listed takes place in the informal economy. Given the overarching role that the informal sector plays in most of the countries listed in the report, the figures may be underestimates.

In Zimbabwe, according to recent statistics from the Ministry of Health, a total of 756 291 people have taken the first dose of the vaccine while 518 968 have taken their second dose. While considerable effort has been put in to ensure that the mass vaccination gains steam, the numbers are still very low to achieve herd immunity. The government has employed a series of strategies to try to contain the spread of the virus. More recently, it instituted localized lockdowns in Kwekwe, Kariba,Karoi and Bulawayo. One of the key take aways from such a move is that as governments across the world continue to weigh strategies to contain the spread of the virus is that the most effective strategy in other parts of the world may not be the most effective in our country. This is particularly relevant when we look at enforcement strategies, distribution of vaccines and response mechanisms. In our context, one of the challenges relates to enforcement of covid 19 measures such as wearing of face masks, adhering to small gatherings and other related measures. For example, political parties, particularly the ruling party has continued to push for its voter mobilisation and restructuring exercise in rural areas where Covid 19 regulations are not observed. The law enforcement agents have paid a blind eye to this. Such violation of COVID 19 measures has made the fight against the virus insurmountable.

The surge in Covid 19 infections exposes the laxity and selective application of Covid 19 regulations. In my view, instituting a lockdown at this point will have damaging effects given that the informal sector was beginning to recover. What we need is to strengthen our response mechanisms, put stricter Covid 19 measures for the informal sector and go on an offensive in disseminating key information around the vaccines. The issue of vaccine hesitancy still reigns supreme among the general populace. Law enforcement officers responsible for enforcing Covid 19 regulations must enforce regulations without fear or favour. Closely linked to this is the fact that government must adopt a zero tolerance approach in the fight against Covid 19.Policy makers must also ensure that while Covid 19 vaccinations are key, mitigation efforts must also appreciate the need for equitable distribution of resources to other issues such as soaring unemployment and tackling other diseases that carry a heavy burden such as malaria, HIV and Tuberculosis.

In the final analysis, in our context, “saving lives” involves protecting the economy. As COVID 19 continues to inflict fatal blows on our economy and health, there is need for government to appreciate that we must learn to live with the virus. It is the new norm that requires collective effort and cooperation from everyone. Lockdowns will not reduce the rate of infections but bring loopholes and laxity in enforcement of regulations

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

 

Mary Chiwenga Illness: Why the nation needs answers

 By Rawlings Magede

Early this week, Mary Mubaiwa, former wife to Zimbabwe’s Vice President, Constantine Chiwenga appeared in court facing several charges ranging from attempting to kill VP Chiwenga when he was battling for his life at a South African in hospital. She has been on routine  remand for 15 months now with the court failing to put her on trial.Everytime,she has appeared in court, images of her swollen legs and hands have gone viral with many netizens expressing shock as to what could be eating up the former wife of one of Zimbabwe’s powerful politicians. To this end, very little information is known about the cause of the disease that is eating her up.

The lack of such information has made discussion around the health of public officials futile. During the tenure of former President Robert Mugabe, there were rumours to the effect that the he had prostate cancer. Even in his death, the cause of death remains secretive. That information is only known by a selective few in foreign countries where he frequented for medical reviews and checkups. These medical professionals are up to this day still bound by the non-disclosure and confidentiality clause. Secrecy over ill health allows public figures to avoid the stigma associated with certain ailments and maintain their image as heroic and invincible. Unfortunately, it also reinforces a culture of hiding illnesses and perpetuating the stigma, guilt, disdain, and shame often associated with poor health. In the interest of the public, disclosure of an ailment allows for research, awareness and addresses issues of stigma.

A useful example if that of former American President, Ronald Reagan who was diagnosed with colon cancer in 1985.In that instance, Reagan’s diagnosis and treatment was formally disclosed in detail  to the public ,generating widespread media coverage and dispassionate public discussions. Later in the years, researchers later found that the disclosure birthed a public discourse on dietary habits and an increase in awareness around the importance of health monitoring. In the years that followed after the disclosure there was a sharp drop in advanced colon cancer cases likely due to early detection  and public disclosure.

In the past, even VP Chiwenga was down with an undisclosed ailment that saw him even seeking medical attention in China where he was kept for several months while recuperating. While even rumours of his imagined death made the rounds during his stay in hospital, the details of the cause of the ailment still remained top secret. In 2019, President Emmerson Mnangagwa while giving an update to the nation on the condition of the VP, only highlighted that his “condition remained remarkably stable”. Sadly years later, after a messy divorce, Mary Chiwenga cannot have the privilege of seeking medical attention abroad. In a turn of events, unlike his want-away husband whose sickness was secretive, she has had live with the “shame and embarrassment” of coming face to face with the media during routine remand. People who have interacted with her recent pictures have expressed shock and disdain over her deteriorating condition. Attempts by her lawyers to remove her off routine remand have all been struck down by the courts. Given the sensitivities around her dilemma, all the public can do for now is to shed sympathy and tears and watch from a distance as a mysterious ailment eats her away. What a sorry sight! In a normal country where issues of public health are prioritised, her sickness is not supposed to be a top guarded secret. The general public must be given a sneak preview of the ailment that to some is still mysterious. Revealing one’s condition can open up opportunities for even the general public or other health practititioners to lend a helping hand. Watching her come for routine remand is disturbing. At one point she was brought to court by an ambulance. All this proves her deteriorating condition and the stigma attached.

Recent researches around COVID 19 have revealed the high predominance of illness-related stigmatization and discrimination in Africa. Guilt and shame is more common when conditions are infectious, terminal or are deemed to have some moral or spiritual connotations. In such circumstances, patients often report to health facilities only when their symptoms are too advanced for meaningful intervention. This often leads to poorer treatment outcomes, higher care burdens and higher mortality rates, which further perpetuates fears and contributes to a general lack of knowledge about many illnesses. The resulting stigma can become so entrenched that it tarnishes the image of the deceased and their family.

In the final analysis, the Mary Chiwenga must come out of her shell and speak openly about her ailment. She has lost all there is in this world and is only left with her life to preserve. Going public about issues around her ailment will help the public to learn more about the disease  and in some cases even proffer solutions that can assist her.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

 

 

The fight for constitutionalism up in smoke

By Rawlings Magede

Events of the past month have happened so fast and left many without much to do except to just watch as events unfold. Half of Legislators from the MDC-T led by Douglas Mwonzora voted in favour of the controversial Constitutional Amendment Bill No.2.The Bill has ascended to the Senate where it is likely to sail through without much opposition. In response to public outcry over this unfortunate move,MDC-T leader Douglas Mwonzora conducted a press conference during the week where he admitted that half of his Legislators had voted in favour of  bill number  while the other half voted against it. “Those who voted Yes were voting for the women’s quota, the youth quota, the quota of women in council and devolution. Those who voted No from our camp were voting no to the running mate and the judges’ clause. We think their behavior was reasonable.”, he said. He also highlighted that his there was no backlash or disciplinary measures for those who had voted in favour of the bill. Such a confession exposes his party for lacking clarity and a position on the proposed amendment bill given that in the past he had opposed any amendments highlighting that before any amendments could be effected, there was need to implement the constitution fully. In the wake of public backlash over this issue,  Presidential Spokesperson, George Charamba branded the opposition outfit “out of depth” for having voted for the bill.

The history of Constitutional reform in Zimbabwe

Many years ago, I had the opportunity to watch the documentary of the constitution making process dubbed, “Mugabe and the Democrats” by renowned Danish film maker, Camilla Nielsson. It made sad viewing. One of the most suppressed debates during the rushed constitution making process was the manner in which even civil society colluded with opposition political parties to endorse a process that had failed to meet the principles of a people driven constitution making process. I remember during such times, those who dared question the process were either labeled or thrown off the gravy train that was fast moving towards Judgement day.

The documentary by Nielsson aptly captures the highs and lows of the constitution making process. In it, you came face to face with two desperate COPAC co-chairs, whose long time friendship was tested time and again due to pressure from their principals in the inclusive government. The documentary also exposes the desperation of the two men who wanted the process done with never mind the irregularities. It remains  a complex puzzle on why we have useless Chapter 12 Institutions that are supposed to be independent but yet Commissioners in these institutions serve at the mercy of a sitting President. Did this really come from the people or was some horse-trading between the parties in the inclusive government? The documentary however offers a reference point for future generations that will continue to stir   debate and remain on their restless lips for years to come. The new constitution that many describe as progressive has all but failed to deepen our democracy. If anything, we have even recorded increased attacks on fundamental liberties such as the right to petition and demonstrate, right of arrested and detained persons, right to personal security among other liberties. The process of realigning and repealing draconian laws has been met with stiff resitance.The political will to do such a process in earnest has been hard to come by. If anything the disregard for the constitution has even intensified under military rule that kicked in 2017 when Mugabe was ousted.

Why Mwonzora and co are doomed

The opposition is fragmented. The MDC has splint into various formations in the past and over the years we have seen erstwhile cadres finding each other again under a united front. Never in the history of opposition fights have we seen the complicit hand of the state remote controlling the turn of events. The controversial ruling made by the courts to gift Douglas Mwonzora with the power to claim the party’s Headquarters, political parties financing and control of Legislators has exposed his political outfit. Apart from this, Mwonzora has gravely exposed himself as a leader who lacks principles. It only took him a matter of seconds to shred and reverse gains in the new constitution by allowing his Legislators to collude with ZANU PF to vote for the controversial amendment bill. The will of the overwhelming number of people who voted in favour of the constitution has been overturned. In my view, there is nothing wrong with amending the constitution but in our case, we haven’t even enjoyed the benefits that came with it. We haven’t fully implemented the constitution owing to the lack of political will and grandstanding on the part of the state.

For example, there is Section 210 of the constitution that is yet to be operationalised.This important provision empowers the public to drag members of the security services to a Commission to seek redress on issues of misconduct on the part of members of the security services. The majority of people who voted in favour of this provision appreciated the need to have such a mechanism in place given their experience with members of the security services especially in past episodes of state sponsored violence such as Murambatsvina, Gukurahundi and the 2008 violence. Section 210 is one among many provisions that are yet to be operationalised.The 2023 elections will signal an end to most political careers in our country. Among those people will be Mwonzora and his outfit who have subverted the will of the people by endorsing unnecessary amendments to a relatively new and unused constitution. What do citizens stand to benefit from amendments that concentrate power and authority in the hands of a sitting President?

In the final analysis the argument by Mwonzora in his defense of voting in favour of the amendments is invalid and misplaced. There is no need to extend the Women’s Parliamentary quota system. We need to implement the equality clause in the constitution so that women have 50/50 share of positions right from even Local Authorities. On the Youth quota, it is just pure political tokenism meant to absolve loud cries from young people on political exclusion. What we need is a framework that ensures that youths are integrated and supported at all levels.

 Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

 

 

 

Vaccine hesitancy in Africa and the impact of misinformation on the COVID 19 Vaccine

 By Rawlings Magede

In 2019, the World Health Organisation (WHO) listed “vaccine hesitancy” as one of the ten greatest threats to global health. More than one and half years later, the world is fighting against a pandemic that has threatened to wipe up the human race. COVID 19 has claimed the lives of more than two million people globally since its outbreak in 2020.Countries such as India and Brazil are among the countries with the highest casualties. In Africa, statistics of COVID 19 related deaths are sketchy owing to the poorly developed public health infrastructure and testing. What however is undisputable is that the pandemic has claimed the lives of many people. In the absence of an effective health infrastructure, people particularly in rural areas continue to die quietly from the virus. In Africa, the fight against the pandemic has also been weakened by misinformation and religion. Ever since reports of the discovery of the COVID 19 vaccine began to filter in, there was a floodgate of conspiracy theories by religious leaders on the vaccine. Reasons for reservations on taking the vaccine varied with some religious leaders suggesting that once one is vaccinated they automatically join Satanism. However, WHO has noted that vaccine hesitancy is influenced by factors such as complacency, convenience and confidence.

In my search for answers, this past week, I conducted an online survey (Whatsapp) that probed reasons why people in Zimbabwe would consider not taking the COVID 19 vaccine. The  majority of respondents (60%) highlighted that their reason for not taking the vaccine were that they did not know much about the COVID 19 vaccine, while 30% highlighted that they do not trust the vaccine while a remaining 10% singled out their religious belief as the major factor for them not taking the COVID 19 vaccine. In my view, if this is representative of Zimbabwean society, it will fall short in achieving population immunity which experts say would require between 80-90% of the population to be immune. If results of the survey are anything to go by, then government needs to share widely information around the vaccine.

Share information on the COVID 19 Vaccine

Among urgent issues that governments across Africa must deal with is sharing widely on the vaccine. Little has been said about this vaccine, what happens after vaccination, ,side effects etc. Recently there were reports that twenty-nine people in the United States developed some reactions after being vaccinated against COVID 19 since the rollout began. All this information is fuelling the anti-vaccination movement that is being led by various individuals, mostly from various religions. The pronouncement by WHO on the threat posed by vaccine hesitancy in achieving global health even before the outbreak of the pandemic in 2019 was informed by past experiences of societies that refused vaccinations. For example Polio vaccinations were boycotted in East Africa in the 1990s and in northern Nigeria in the 2000s.More recently, In South Africa in July 2020, people took to the streets of Johannesburg to register their concerns against human trials for a potential corona virus vaccine. This was after the University of Witwatersrand in partnership with Oxford University rolled out South Africa’s first clinical trial, which would consist of two thousand volunteers. This incident demonstrates concerns among some on the continent over vaccines that people know very little about.

Among issues that African governments must tackle is the need to deal with vaccine hesitancy that is inherent in most African societies due to lack of adequate information and religious beliefs. This will greatly help increase confidence .Misinformation on vaccine safety has eroded trust in our health care systems. Rebuilding this trust is a herculean task but will take concerted and multi-faceted efforts. Closely linked to this, is the need for governments to communicate effectively and transparently regarding the full benefits and risks of vaccinations going forward. There is no doubt that more pandemics will visit us in the near future. Health personnel especially those in remote districts must be trained to ensure that they give relevant and comprehensive information in a respective and culturally sensitive manner. To effectively do this, key stakeholders that can help easily propagate this message such as religious, political and other leaders must be identified and equipped with skills to effectively  disseminate   key information to their followers. The assumption that radio and social media has a wider reach has  negatively impacted access to key information by some sections of society. Added to this, well thought strategies must also be devised to target marginalized communities that may have less access to healthcare services.

In the final analysis, COVID 19 has demonstrated the urgent need for collaboration between government and other stakeholders. Collaborations require strong institutions that embrace transparency and accountability over use of funds. Going forward, the challenge for our leaders and policy makers would be to craft and design effective vaccination policies and bolster population immunity that will help the continent combat future epidemics.

Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

State and citizens must join forces to help contain COVID 19

By Rawlings Magede

Zimbabwe risks losing the fight against the COVID 19 pandemic if the laxity in the enforcement of COVID 19 restrictions is anything to go by. The 31 December event in Mbare organised by DJ’s Fantan and Levels all but exposed the lack of appreciation by citizens on the severity of COVID 19 in Zimbabwe. How the police allowed this event that was attended by hundreds of people is shocking given the surge in cases of COVID 19 over the festive season.

This past week, the sentencing of DJ’s Fantan and Levels dominated discussions on social media with a majority of netizens arguing that the sentencing was harsh given that other elite clubs such as Dreams owned by the late flamboyant Genius Kadungure have continued to open its doors to large numbers of patrons. While such a debate is necessary, there has been a somewhat limited conversation on the complicit role played by police officers who gave the green light for the event. That senior police officers received bribe  money from the organizers is not a secret but rather serves to confirm the high levels of corruption within  law enforcement agents.

In a country confronted by a pandemic that has the potential of dishing out untold fatal blows, there is need to confront the pandemic on two levels. The first level is at the level of the state, that has an obligation of acting on behalf of citizens by ensuring that resources such as social protection is provided for vulnerable groups. At this level, government must do more and go beyond cheap politicking by ensuring that such vulnerable groups are cushioned. The other level is at the level of everyday life in which individuals and communities mobilize each other thereby helping in changing their behaviors to help reduce the risk of transmission. At this level sadly we have failed. This has been demonstrated by the failure to observe social distancing, wearing of face masks and adhering to other COVID 19 preventative measures.

These two levels must complement each other. Public health remains a social good that is a product of both the state and its citizens. The fight against epidemics such as HIV/AIDS and Ebola brought with it several lessons. One such lesson is the importance of partnerships between civil society and government. In dealing with COVID 19, we need a similar social contract between the state and citizens, collaborating in solidarity to keep the vulnerable safe and take care of the sick. One of the unfortunate blunders by government is the failure to consider the disastrous effects of the lockdown on a sizeable chunk of our population which belongs to the informal sector. Cash payouts for vulnerable groups that help mitigate against the impact of COVID 19 that have been channeled through the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare remain shrouded in a lot of mystery. What we have seen are just headlines mostly in the state controlled press but there have been lack of publicity around the criteria being used to help such groups. Social protection measures have been inadequate, poorly implemented and hard to access. The fight against COVID 19 has also been dealt a major blow by acts of corruption within law enforcement agents.

Of hungry law enforcement agents and poverty

The 31 December event organised by the jailed DJ’s eroded whatever was left of the confidence that citizens had in the police in as far as enforcement of COVID 19 lockdown is concerned. The several roadblocks bear testament to this. At some roadblocks citizens without exemption letters are made to pay money to gain access into town.

Also the  manner in which the lockdown is being implemented makes citizens by standers in the fight against COVID 19.The default frame of thinking about state-society relations has been disciplinary and coercive. The emphasis has been on the top-down controls via a series of sometimes bizarre regulations. In my view during the lockdown period law enforcement agents assume the role of front line workers which means that in enforcing the lockdown, they must not only enforce the law with brutality as before but ensure that they also join the crusade on awareness raising on COVID 19.As highlighted before, there is need for stronger ties between the state and civil society built on mutual trust and respect. As part of this partnership, civil society organisations can train law enforcement agents on COVID 19 preventative measures and have collaborative programmes such as awareness raising on COVID 19 in suburbs. We need to do much more thinking about public health movements and pick up lessons from past epidemics. The last great European cholera epidemic, for example was not simply eradicated by medical science. What made a big difference in Hamburg at the end of the 19^th century was a workers’ public health movement led by socialist parties in poor neighbourhoods, teaching people about hygience, washing of hands and boiling water before drinking. Closer to home,HIV/AIDS in South Africa was not only contained by the roll-out of antiretrovirals.It was the Treatment Action Campaign that shook things up. This organisation created a democratic, gender-aware and rights-based social movement that destigmatised the disease and supported profound changes in sexual behavior. It built a movement for health that linked a campaign for access to medicine to a broader call for social justice.

In the final analysis, both the state and citizens need to change their approach on tackling COVID 19.At a time when governments across the world are struggling to control the spread of COVID 19, there is need for the state to change its approach and treat its citizens as active participants in the fight against COVID 19.Without participation by the citizens, the fight against COVID 19 will be a lost battle.

Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com