Covid 19 is the new norm: Zimbabwe does not need a lockdown

By Rawlings Magede

A recent report by the World Health Organisation (WHO) revealed that only over 1 percent of Africa’s population has been fully vaccinated against Covid 19. Africa has a population of over 1 billion. What is worrying is that the total number of those vaccinated in Africa as compared to other continents is very low. According to the New York Times Covid 19 tracker, Africa has the lowest number of doses administered per 100 people as compared to other continents. Africa has just 3.6% vaccination rate, the lowest out of the 6 continents.

According to latest figures, a total of 140 040 people have succumbed to Covid 19 in Africa. While this number is high, it is considerably lower those other continents such as Europe that have recorded more than 3million deaths since the covid 19 outbreak. Europe has instituted stricter Covid 19 lockdowns than Africa yet the fatalities have been considerably high. This development exposes the efficacy of lockdowns in significantly reducing casualties. More worrying is that research has shown that in poorer countries, changes in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) have a much bigger effect on life expectancy than in richer countries. Since the outbreak of the virus, the clarion call for most African countries has been “put lives before the economy” which have been used as justification to employ stricter lockdowns that ignores economic realities. While restrictive lockdowns might save lives in the short term in higher-income countries with stronger safety nets and fewer people in poverty, they are much more likely to cost a large number of lives in lower income ones.

The African Development Bank (AFDB) in one of its recent reports notes that the GDP of most African countries which had been typically rising over the years, collapsed in 2020 due to COVID 19 induced lockdowns. Several economies such as Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Africa have declined by as much as about 10 %.This is so because the economic activity for the majority of economies for the countries listed takes place in the informal economy. Given the overarching role that the informal sector plays in most of the countries listed in the report, the figures may be underestimates.

In Zimbabwe, according to recent statistics from the Ministry of Health, a total of 756 291 people have taken the first dose of the vaccine while 518 968 have taken their second dose. While considerable effort has been put in to ensure that the mass vaccination gains steam, the numbers are still very low to achieve herd immunity. The government has employed a series of strategies to try to contain the spread of the virus. More recently, it instituted localized lockdowns in Kwekwe, Kariba,Karoi and Bulawayo. One of the key take aways from such a move is that as governments across the world continue to weigh strategies to contain the spread of the virus is that the most effective strategy in other parts of the world may not be the most effective in our country. This is particularly relevant when we look at enforcement strategies, distribution of vaccines and response mechanisms. In our context, one of the challenges relates to enforcement of covid 19 measures such as wearing of face masks, adhering to small gatherings and other related measures. For example, political parties, particularly the ruling party has continued to push for its voter mobilisation and restructuring exercise in rural areas where Covid 19 regulations are not observed. The law enforcement agents have paid a blind eye to this. Such violation of COVID 19 measures has made the fight against the virus insurmountable.

The surge in Covid 19 infections exposes the laxity and selective application of Covid 19 regulations. In my view, instituting a lockdown at this point will have damaging effects given that the informal sector was beginning to recover. What we need is to strengthen our response mechanisms, put stricter Covid 19 measures for the informal sector and go on an offensive in disseminating key information around the vaccines. The issue of vaccine hesitancy still reigns supreme among the general populace. Law enforcement officers responsible for enforcing Covid 19 regulations must enforce regulations without fear or favour. Closely linked to this is the fact that government must adopt a zero tolerance approach in the fight against Covid 19.Policy makers must also ensure that while Covid 19 vaccinations are key, mitigation efforts must also appreciate the need for equitable distribution of resources to other issues such as soaring unemployment and tackling other diseases that carry a heavy burden such as malaria, HIV and Tuberculosis.

In the final analysis, in our context, “saving lives” involves protecting the economy. As COVID 19 continues to inflict fatal blows on our economy and health, there is need for government to appreciate that we must learn to live with the virus. It is the new norm that requires collective effort and cooperation from everyone. Lockdowns will not reduce the rate of infections but bring loopholes and laxity in enforcement of regulations

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

 

Mary Chiwenga Illness: Why the nation needs answers

 By Rawlings Magede

Early this week, Mary Mubaiwa, former wife to Zimbabwe’s Vice President, Constantine Chiwenga appeared in court facing several charges ranging from attempting to kill VP Chiwenga when he was battling for his life at a South African in hospital. She has been on routine  remand for 15 months now with the court failing to put her on trial.Everytime,she has appeared in court, images of her swollen legs and hands have gone viral with many netizens expressing shock as to what could be eating up the former wife of one of Zimbabwe’s powerful politicians. To this end, very little information is known about the cause of the disease that is eating her up.

The lack of such information has made discussion around the health of public officials futile. During the tenure of former President Robert Mugabe, there were rumours to the effect that the he had prostate cancer. Even in his death, the cause of death remains secretive. That information is only known by a selective few in foreign countries where he frequented for medical reviews and checkups. These medical professionals are up to this day still bound by the non-disclosure and confidentiality clause. Secrecy over ill health allows public figures to avoid the stigma associated with certain ailments and maintain their image as heroic and invincible. Unfortunately, it also reinforces a culture of hiding illnesses and perpetuating the stigma, guilt, disdain, and shame often associated with poor health. In the interest of the public, disclosure of an ailment allows for research, awareness and addresses issues of stigma.

A useful example if that of former American President, Ronald Reagan who was diagnosed with colon cancer in 1985.In that instance, Reagan’s diagnosis and treatment was formally disclosed in detail  to the public ,generating widespread media coverage and dispassionate public discussions. Later in the years, researchers later found that the disclosure birthed a public discourse on dietary habits and an increase in awareness around the importance of health monitoring. In the years that followed after the disclosure there was a sharp drop in advanced colon cancer cases likely due to early detection  and public disclosure.

In the past, even VP Chiwenga was down with an undisclosed ailment that saw him even seeking medical attention in China where he was kept for several months while recuperating. While even rumours of his imagined death made the rounds during his stay in hospital, the details of the cause of the ailment still remained top secret. In 2019, President Emmerson Mnangagwa while giving an update to the nation on the condition of the VP, only highlighted that his “condition remained remarkably stable”. Sadly years later, after a messy divorce, Mary Chiwenga cannot have the privilege of seeking medical attention abroad. In a turn of events, unlike his want-away husband whose sickness was secretive, she has had live with the “shame and embarrassment” of coming face to face with the media during routine remand. People who have interacted with her recent pictures have expressed shock and disdain over her deteriorating condition. Attempts by her lawyers to remove her off routine remand have all been struck down by the courts. Given the sensitivities around her dilemma, all the public can do for now is to shed sympathy and tears and watch from a distance as a mysterious ailment eats her away. What a sorry sight! In a normal country where issues of public health are prioritised, her sickness is not supposed to be a top guarded secret. The general public must be given a sneak preview of the ailment that to some is still mysterious. Revealing one’s condition can open up opportunities for even the general public or other health practititioners to lend a helping hand. Watching her come for routine remand is disturbing. At one point she was brought to court by an ambulance. All this proves her deteriorating condition and the stigma attached.

Recent researches around COVID 19 have revealed the high predominance of illness-related stigmatization and discrimination in Africa. Guilt and shame is more common when conditions are infectious, terminal or are deemed to have some moral or spiritual connotations. In such circumstances, patients often report to health facilities only when their symptoms are too advanced for meaningful intervention. This often leads to poorer treatment outcomes, higher care burdens and higher mortality rates, which further perpetuates fears and contributes to a general lack of knowledge about many illnesses. The resulting stigma can become so entrenched that it tarnishes the image of the deceased and their family.

In the final analysis, the Mary Chiwenga must come out of her shell and speak openly about her ailment. She has lost all there is in this world and is only left with her life to preserve. Going public about issues around her ailment will help the public to learn more about the disease  and in some cases even proffer solutions that can assist her.

Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

 

 

The fight for constitutionalism up in smoke

By Rawlings Magede

Events of the past month have happened so fast and left many without much to do except to just watch as events unfold. Half of Legislators from the MDC-T led by Douglas Mwonzora voted in favour of the controversial Constitutional Amendment Bill No.2.The Bill has ascended to the Senate where it is likely to sail through without much opposition. In response to public outcry over this unfortunate move,MDC-T leader Douglas Mwonzora conducted a press conference during the week where he admitted that half of his Legislators had voted in favour of  bill number  while the other half voted against it. “Those who voted Yes were voting for the women’s quota, the youth quota, the quota of women in council and devolution. Those who voted No from our camp were voting no to the running mate and the judges’ clause. We think their behavior was reasonable.”, he said. He also highlighted that his there was no backlash or disciplinary measures for those who had voted in favour of the bill. Such a confession exposes his party for lacking clarity and a position on the proposed amendment bill given that in the past he had opposed any amendments highlighting that before any amendments could be effected, there was need to implement the constitution fully. In the wake of public backlash over this issue,  Presidential Spokesperson, George Charamba branded the opposition outfit “out of depth” for having voted for the bill.

The history of Constitutional reform in Zimbabwe

Many years ago, I had the opportunity to watch the documentary of the constitution making process dubbed, “Mugabe and the Democrats” by renowned Danish film maker, Camilla Nielsson. It made sad viewing. One of the most suppressed debates during the rushed constitution making process was the manner in which even civil society colluded with opposition political parties to endorse a process that had failed to meet the principles of a people driven constitution making process. I remember during such times, those who dared question the process were either labeled or thrown off the gravy train that was fast moving towards Judgement day.

The documentary by Nielsson aptly captures the highs and lows of the constitution making process. In it, you came face to face with two desperate COPAC co-chairs, whose long time friendship was tested time and again due to pressure from their principals in the inclusive government. The documentary also exposes the desperation of the two men who wanted the process done with never mind the irregularities. It remains  a complex puzzle on why we have useless Chapter 12 Institutions that are supposed to be independent but yet Commissioners in these institutions serve at the mercy of a sitting President. Did this really come from the people or was some horse-trading between the parties in the inclusive government? The documentary however offers a reference point for future generations that will continue to stir   debate and remain on their restless lips for years to come. The new constitution that many describe as progressive has all but failed to deepen our democracy. If anything, we have even recorded increased attacks on fundamental liberties such as the right to petition and demonstrate, right of arrested and detained persons, right to personal security among other liberties. The process of realigning and repealing draconian laws has been met with stiff resitance.The political will to do such a process in earnest has been hard to come by. If anything the disregard for the constitution has even intensified under military rule that kicked in 2017 when Mugabe was ousted.

Why Mwonzora and co are doomed

The opposition is fragmented. The MDC has splint into various formations in the past and over the years we have seen erstwhile cadres finding each other again under a united front. Never in the history of opposition fights have we seen the complicit hand of the state remote controlling the turn of events. The controversial ruling made by the courts to gift Douglas Mwonzora with the power to claim the party’s Headquarters, political parties financing and control of Legislators has exposed his political outfit. Apart from this, Mwonzora has gravely exposed himself as a leader who lacks principles. It only took him a matter of seconds to shred and reverse gains in the new constitution by allowing his Legislators to collude with ZANU PF to vote for the controversial amendment bill. The will of the overwhelming number of people who voted in favour of the constitution has been overturned. In my view, there is nothing wrong with amending the constitution but in our case, we haven’t even enjoyed the benefits that came with it. We haven’t fully implemented the constitution owing to the lack of political will and grandstanding on the part of the state.

For example, there is Section 210 of the constitution that is yet to be operationalised.This important provision empowers the public to drag members of the security services to a Commission to seek redress on issues of misconduct on the part of members of the security services. The majority of people who voted in favour of this provision appreciated the need to have such a mechanism in place given their experience with members of the security services especially in past episodes of state sponsored violence such as Murambatsvina, Gukurahundi and the 2008 violence. Section 210 is one among many provisions that are yet to be operationalised.The 2023 elections will signal an end to most political careers in our country. Among those people will be Mwonzora and his outfit who have subverted the will of the people by endorsing unnecessary amendments to a relatively new and unused constitution. What do citizens stand to benefit from amendments that concentrate power and authority in the hands of a sitting President?

In the final analysis the argument by Mwonzora in his defense of voting in favour of the amendments is invalid and misplaced. There is no need to extend the Women’s Parliamentary quota system. We need to implement the equality clause in the constitution so that women have 50/50 share of positions right from even Local Authorities. On the Youth quota, it is just pure political tokenism meant to absolve loud cries from young people on political exclusion. What we need is a framework that ensures that youths are integrated and supported at all levels.

 Rawlings Magede is a Development Practitioner who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

 

 

 

Vaccine hesitancy in Africa and the impact of misinformation on the COVID 19 Vaccine

 By Rawlings Magede

In 2019, the World Health Organisation (WHO) listed “vaccine hesitancy” as one of the ten greatest threats to global health. More than one and half years later, the world is fighting against a pandemic that has threatened to wipe up the human race. COVID 19 has claimed the lives of more than two million people globally since its outbreak in 2020.Countries such as India and Brazil are among the countries with the highest casualties. In Africa, statistics of COVID 19 related deaths are sketchy owing to the poorly developed public health infrastructure and testing. What however is undisputable is that the pandemic has claimed the lives of many people. In the absence of an effective health infrastructure, people particularly in rural areas continue to die quietly from the virus. In Africa, the fight against the pandemic has also been weakened by misinformation and religion. Ever since reports of the discovery of the COVID 19 vaccine began to filter in, there was a floodgate of conspiracy theories by religious leaders on the vaccine. Reasons for reservations on taking the vaccine varied with some religious leaders suggesting that once one is vaccinated they automatically join Satanism. However, WHO has noted that vaccine hesitancy is influenced by factors such as complacency, convenience and confidence.

In my search for answers, this past week, I conducted an online survey (Whatsapp) that probed reasons why people in Zimbabwe would consider not taking the COVID 19 vaccine. The  majority of respondents (60%) highlighted that their reason for not taking the vaccine were that they did not know much about the COVID 19 vaccine, while 30% highlighted that they do not trust the vaccine while a remaining 10% singled out their religious belief as the major factor for them not taking the COVID 19 vaccine. In my view, if this is representative of Zimbabwean society, it will fall short in achieving population immunity which experts say would require between 80-90% of the population to be immune. If results of the survey are anything to go by, then government needs to share widely information around the vaccine.

Share information on the COVID 19 Vaccine

Among urgent issues that governments across Africa must deal with is sharing widely on the vaccine. Little has been said about this vaccine, what happens after vaccination, ,side effects etc. Recently there were reports that twenty-nine people in the United States developed some reactions after being vaccinated against COVID 19 since the rollout began. All this information is fuelling the anti-vaccination movement that is being led by various individuals, mostly from various religions. The pronouncement by WHO on the threat posed by vaccine hesitancy in achieving global health even before the outbreak of the pandemic in 2019 was informed by past experiences of societies that refused vaccinations. For example Polio vaccinations were boycotted in East Africa in the 1990s and in northern Nigeria in the 2000s.More recently, In South Africa in July 2020, people took to the streets of Johannesburg to register their concerns against human trials for a potential corona virus vaccine. This was after the University of Witwatersrand in partnership with Oxford University rolled out South Africa’s first clinical trial, which would consist of two thousand volunteers. This incident demonstrates concerns among some on the continent over vaccines that people know very little about.

Among issues that African governments must tackle is the need to deal with vaccine hesitancy that is inherent in most African societies due to lack of adequate information and religious beliefs. This will greatly help increase confidence .Misinformation on vaccine safety has eroded trust in our health care systems. Rebuilding this trust is a herculean task but will take concerted and multi-faceted efforts. Closely linked to this, is the need for governments to communicate effectively and transparently regarding the full benefits and risks of vaccinations going forward. There is no doubt that more pandemics will visit us in the near future. Health personnel especially those in remote districts must be trained to ensure that they give relevant and comprehensive information in a respective and culturally sensitive manner. To effectively do this, key stakeholders that can help easily propagate this message such as religious, political and other leaders must be identified and equipped with skills to effectively  disseminate   key information to their followers. The assumption that radio and social media has a wider reach has  negatively impacted access to key information by some sections of society. Added to this, well thought strategies must also be devised to target marginalized communities that may have less access to healthcare services.

In the final analysis, COVID 19 has demonstrated the urgent need for collaboration between government and other stakeholders. Collaborations require strong institutions that embrace transparency and accountability over use of funds. Going forward, the challenge for our leaders and policy makers would be to craft and design effective vaccination policies and bolster population immunity that will help the continent combat future epidemics.

Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

State and citizens must join forces to help contain COVID 19

By Rawlings Magede

Zimbabwe risks losing the fight against the COVID 19 pandemic if the laxity in the enforcement of COVID 19 restrictions is anything to go by. The 31 December event in Mbare organised by DJ’s Fantan and Levels all but exposed the lack of appreciation by citizens on the severity of COVID 19 in Zimbabwe. How the police allowed this event that was attended by hundreds of people is shocking given the surge in cases of COVID 19 over the festive season.

This past week, the sentencing of DJ’s Fantan and Levels dominated discussions on social media with a majority of netizens arguing that the sentencing was harsh given that other elite clubs such as Dreams owned by the late flamboyant Genius Kadungure have continued to open its doors to large numbers of patrons. While such a debate is necessary, there has been a somewhat limited conversation on the complicit role played by police officers who gave the green light for the event. That senior police officers received bribe  money from the organizers is not a secret but rather serves to confirm the high levels of corruption within  law enforcement agents.

In a country confronted by a pandemic that has the potential of dishing out untold fatal blows, there is need to confront the pandemic on two levels. The first level is at the level of the state, that has an obligation of acting on behalf of citizens by ensuring that resources such as social protection is provided for vulnerable groups. At this level, government must do more and go beyond cheap politicking by ensuring that such vulnerable groups are cushioned. The other level is at the level of everyday life in which individuals and communities mobilize each other thereby helping in changing their behaviors to help reduce the risk of transmission. At this level sadly we have failed. This has been demonstrated by the failure to observe social distancing, wearing of face masks and adhering to other COVID 19 preventative measures.

These two levels must complement each other. Public health remains a social good that is a product of both the state and its citizens. The fight against epidemics such as HIV/AIDS and Ebola brought with it several lessons. One such lesson is the importance of partnerships between civil society and government. In dealing with COVID 19, we need a similar social contract between the state and citizens, collaborating in solidarity to keep the vulnerable safe and take care of the sick. One of the unfortunate blunders by government is the failure to consider the disastrous effects of the lockdown on a sizeable chunk of our population which belongs to the informal sector. Cash payouts for vulnerable groups that help mitigate against the impact of COVID 19 that have been channeled through the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare remain shrouded in a lot of mystery. What we have seen are just headlines mostly in the state controlled press but there have been lack of publicity around the criteria being used to help such groups. Social protection measures have been inadequate, poorly implemented and hard to access. The fight against COVID 19 has also been dealt a major blow by acts of corruption within law enforcement agents.

Of hungry law enforcement agents and poverty

The 31 December event organised by the jailed DJ’s eroded whatever was left of the confidence that citizens had in the police in as far as enforcement of COVID 19 lockdown is concerned. The several roadblocks bear testament to this. At some roadblocks citizens without exemption letters are made to pay money to gain access into town.

Also the  manner in which the lockdown is being implemented makes citizens by standers in the fight against COVID 19.The default frame of thinking about state-society relations has been disciplinary and coercive. The emphasis has been on the top-down controls via a series of sometimes bizarre regulations. In my view during the lockdown period law enforcement agents assume the role of front line workers which means that in enforcing the lockdown, they must not only enforce the law with brutality as before but ensure that they also join the crusade on awareness raising on COVID 19.As highlighted before, there is need for stronger ties between the state and civil society built on mutual trust and respect. As part of this partnership, civil society organisations can train law enforcement agents on COVID 19 preventative measures and have collaborative programmes such as awareness raising on COVID 19 in suburbs. We need to do much more thinking about public health movements and pick up lessons from past epidemics. The last great European cholera epidemic, for example was not simply eradicated by medical science. What made a big difference in Hamburg at the end of the 19^th century was a workers’ public health movement led by socialist parties in poor neighbourhoods, teaching people about hygience, washing of hands and boiling water before drinking. Closer to home,HIV/AIDS in South Africa was not only contained by the roll-out of antiretrovirals.It was the Treatment Action Campaign that shook things up. This organisation created a democratic, gender-aware and rights-based social movement that destigmatised the disease and supported profound changes in sexual behavior. It built a movement for health that linked a campaign for access to medicine to a broader call for social justice.

In the final analysis, both the state and citizens need to change their approach on tackling COVID 19.At a time when governments across the world are struggling to control the spread of COVID 19, there is need for the state to change its approach and treat its citizens as active participants in the fight against COVID 19.Without participation by the citizens, the fight against COVID 19 will be a lost battle.

Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

Elections will be held in 2023, but Zimbabwe has even bigger problems

By Rawlings Magede

 The Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA) singles out the need for stronger and independent institutions as enablers for the conducting of free and fair elections. Section 3 (a) of ZIDERA deals with the independence of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) which is supposed to carry out its functions assigned under Section 239 of the constitution in an independent manner. Section 3 (c) deals with the Defence Forces of Zimbabwe who are bound by the constitution in Section 208 not to act in a partisan manner or further the interests of any political party.

 The 2018 elections left a lot of talking points especially around the credibility of ZEC and the complicit of security services in determining electoral outcomes. The unfortunate events of August 1, 2018 left a dark cloud hanging over prospects for the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and freedoms such as the right to petition and demonstrate enshrined in Section 59 of the constitution. The extra judicial killings by well known members of the Defence forces all but confirmed widely held perceptions that our security services are not apolitical. The “useless and time consuming” Commission of Inquiry set up soon after the killings failed to bring perpetrators of the shootings to book. Its report was verbose and ambiguous with no clear intent of ensuring that such an unfortunate incident will not envelop our politics ever again. If anything none of its six “rushed” recommendations spoke on the need to build strong, independent and accountable institutions which form the cornerstone of a stable government. A democracy with strong institutions would be able to produce the essential elements of a fully democratic government through proper separation of powers thereby enabling a system which allows for checks and balances of the various arms of government.

In Zimbabwe, Strong Men have ruled our weak institutions, allocated unchecked power to themselves and largely depleted our resources through cartels oiled by patronage. But all this is a major digression from the main discussion topic. 2023 and the Youth demography The MDC Alliance Youth Assembly is currently seized with a campaign dubbed #OneMillionCampaign which seeks to mobilize a million new youth voices for change. This initiative is progressive as it seeks to target a new youth constituency that has either not actively participated in democratic processes such as elections or even stood up for their rights. While this noble exercise is going on, the State for all its intents and purposes has ensured that it closes democratic space in as far as freedom of expression and the right to petition or demonstrate is concerned. A key strategy throughout the year has been to clamp down protests as early and consistently as possible. 

The Impala car rental protests organised by the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) bears testimony to that. The Union’s President, Takudzwa Ngadziore was kept behind bars for a lengthy period of time just to send a message of who really is in charge and discourage reactionary protests. The abduction of Tawanda Muchehiwa, nephew to Zimlive Editor, Mduduzi Mathuthu’s in broad day light demonstrates how far the State is willing to go to crush any form of dissent. As an inquiry into the abduction of Muchehiwa continues to unfold, it has also brought to the fore issues of heavy infiltration within the opposition party since one of the MDC Alliance members has been fingered for aiding in the abduction of Muchehiwa. Again as this is going on, ZEC has also been equally exposed for its lack of independence.

 Health Minister, Constantine Chiwenga who also doubles as the Country’s Vice President, announced a ban on by elections in October arguing that it was not safe to do so during the COVID 19 pandemic. To this effect, this has been challenged in court. Arguments cited are that such a ban infringes upon the independence of ZEC which has a constitutional mandate to ensure that elections are conducted efficiently, freely, fairly and transparently in line with Section 239 of the constitution. In response to the ban on by elections, ZEC chairperson Priscilla Chigumba highlighted that ZEC has no power in terms of the law to dictate to the Executive when elections should be held as it is not mandated to make policy decisions. Such a revelation however erodes citizens’ confidence in ZEC as it appears that the Executive controls this key commission. In the final analysis, the 2023 elections will come and go and will produce a disputed winner like before. Key reforms such as the need for ZEC to demonstrate its independence will continue to dominate and divide public opinion even post 2023.The bigger problems that we have ahead of the 2023 elections is the need to mutilate strong men politics and build strong institutions.

 To sum it up in former US President, Barack Obama’s words, No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end. Africa doesn't need strong men; it needs strong institutions

 Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

Turmoil in Nigeria, an urgent call for Security Sector Reform in Africa

By Rawlings Magede

 United Nations Secretary General, Antonio Guterres call in March 2020 before the escalation of the COVID 19 pandemic on the need to “Silence the Guns” in times of the global pandemic received was a progressive call. The call received broad international support as some parties to conflicts in many countries consolidated ceasefire or move towards laying down of weapons. As a way of amplifying calls for this noble initiative, the African Union (AU) resolved that ‘Silencing the guns: Creating conducive conditions for Africa’s development” was going to be the organization’s theme for 2020 as a way of ensuring that this call by the UN chief can be realized. A critical element for this call however is hinged on the need to reform, professionalise and strengthen the security sector in Africa.

 In the absence of sound security sector management and governance, African societies will remain or become vulnerable to threats in both the short and long term. Limited or incomplete security sector reform can scuttle efforts on the need to democratize and respect rule of law in Africa. Nigeria is in turmoil The West African country is currently under turmoil as citizens have taken to the streets calling for the abolition of the federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARs), a special police unit set up decades ago as the country tried to contain rising levels of crime and kidnappings.SARS is accused of initiating unlawful arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings. At the centre of the ongoing demonstrations is a video that went viral allegedly showing SARs officers killing a young man in the Southern Delta State. 

The man who leaked the video was arrested which further sparked even more anger by the protestors. Human Rights organisation, Amnesty International released a report that chronicles more than 80 cases of torture, ill-treatment and extrajudicial executions by SARs between January 2017 and May 2020. Following pressure on the need to disband SARs, Nigerian President, and Muhammadu Buhari was forced to act and dissolve the controversial unit. In its place, a new outfit, Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) was formed. The news of the formation of the SWAT failed to convince protestors off the streets as they viewed the renaming exercise as just another window dressing exercise by the government. The need for Security Sector reform in Africa is urgent! One of the many arguments peddled by opposition political parties in authoritarian regimes is the need for security sector reform.

 While ruling parties enjoy the unfettered benefits attached to incumbency, their long stay has been aided by politicised elements within the security establishment. In Zimbabwe for example, the military even during pre –independence era has always been the kingmaker in deciding political leadership. A case in point is the 1975 Mgagao declaration that deposed Ndabaningi Sithole at the helm of Zanu and replaced him with the then Secretary for Information, Robert Mugabe. At independence in 1980, the demobilization process initiated by the new government failed to cut the symbolic umbilical cord between political parties and the ex-combatants. This process if done sincerely was going to professionalize the security sector and ensure that they do not interfere in political processes. The 2013 constitution in Section 208 states that, “security services must not further the interests of any political party or act in a partisan manner”. Calls to depoliticize and professionalise the army over the years have been vehemently dismissed by some hardliners within the security establishment who have a sense of entitlement over the trajectory that the country must take especially when it comes to electoral processes. In the case of Nigeria, a series of military coups since 1966 have derailed efforts for a transition to effective civilian rule. From the 1990s, General Ibrahim Babangida who was the head of state then set a wrong precedence when he decreed that candidates who had participated in the presidential primaries were banned from further participation in Nigerian politics. Since that time, the country witnessed a series of coups right up to 1999 when Olusegun Obasanjo took over. Such practices mutilated a democratic culture within the country and closed space for citizens in demanding and holding institutions accountable.

 In scenarios where citizens would want to register displeasure on shortcomings of the government, the default mode of the government has been to resort to the use of violence, torture and extrajudicial killings. In Africa, the role of security services has been divorced from their constitutional obligation of respecting fundamental rights, freedoms and democratic values and principles. Across the African continent we have seen members of the security services using violence to crush dissent. In Cameroon, the protracted Anglo-phone crisis that engulfed the country in 2016, the military has killed hundreds of civilians who have dared to protest to register their displeasure over the reluctance of government to soberly address grievances from the Anglophone territories on Northwest Region and Southern Region. Time would fail me to talk about Ivory Coast, Chad, Niger among many African countries. Security Sector reform is no easy task. It is intrinsically a political process. It is often a very crowded space with many actors and many different interests. To achieve progress in reforming the security sector, countries must provide a clear vision on how they can manage political divisions and deal with long term rule of law priorities. In doing so, national constitutions must be upheld as a way of safeguarding human rights and rule of law.

 In the final analysis, security sector reform calls for a comprehensive approach to reform encompassing all the institutions of the security sector as well as other actors from civil society, oversight bodies and others. Its implementation requires independent institutions which can help insulate democracy and rule of law during the reform process. 

 Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development Expert who writes here in his personal capacity.Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com