State and citizens must join forces to help contain COVID 19

By Rawlings Magede

Zimbabwe risks losing the fight against the COVID 19 pandemic if the laxity in the enforcement of COVID 19 restrictions is anything to go by. The 31 December event in Mbare organised by DJ’s Fantan and Levels all but exposed the lack of appreciation by citizens on the severity of COVID 19 in Zimbabwe. How the police allowed this event that was attended by hundreds of people is shocking given the surge in cases of COVID 19 over the festive season.

This past week, the sentencing of DJ’s Fantan and Levels dominated discussions on social media with a majority of netizens arguing that the sentencing was harsh given that other elite clubs such as Dreams owned by the late flamboyant Genius Kadungure have continued to open its doors to large numbers of patrons. While such a debate is necessary, there has been a somewhat limited conversation on the complicit role played by police officers who gave the green light for the event. That senior police officers received bribe  money from the organizers is not a secret but rather serves to confirm the high levels of corruption within  law enforcement agents.

In a country confronted by a pandemic that has the potential of dishing out untold fatal blows, there is need to confront the pandemic on two levels. The first level is at the level of the state, that has an obligation of acting on behalf of citizens by ensuring that resources such as social protection is provided for vulnerable groups. At this level, government must do more and go beyond cheap politicking by ensuring that such vulnerable groups are cushioned. The other level is at the level of everyday life in which individuals and communities mobilize each other thereby helping in changing their behaviors to help reduce the risk of transmission. At this level sadly we have failed. This has been demonstrated by the failure to observe social distancing, wearing of face masks and adhering to other COVID 19 preventative measures.

These two levels must complement each other. Public health remains a social good that is a product of both the state and its citizens. The fight against epidemics such as HIV/AIDS and Ebola brought with it several lessons. One such lesson is the importance of partnerships between civil society and government. In dealing with COVID 19, we need a similar social contract between the state and citizens, collaborating in solidarity to keep the vulnerable safe and take care of the sick. One of the unfortunate blunders by government is the failure to consider the disastrous effects of the lockdown on a sizeable chunk of our population which belongs to the informal sector. Cash payouts for vulnerable groups that help mitigate against the impact of COVID 19 that have been channeled through the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare remain shrouded in a lot of mystery. What we have seen are just headlines mostly in the state controlled press but there have been lack of publicity around the criteria being used to help such groups. Social protection measures have been inadequate, poorly implemented and hard to access. The fight against COVID 19 has also been dealt a major blow by acts of corruption within law enforcement agents.

Of hungry law enforcement agents and poverty

The 31 December event organised by the jailed DJ’s eroded whatever was left of the confidence that citizens had in the police in as far as enforcement of COVID 19 lockdown is concerned. The several roadblocks bear testament to this. At some roadblocks citizens without exemption letters are made to pay money to gain access into town.

Also the  manner in which the lockdown is being implemented makes citizens by standers in the fight against COVID 19.The default frame of thinking about state-society relations has been disciplinary and coercive. The emphasis has been on the top-down controls via a series of sometimes bizarre regulations. In my view during the lockdown period law enforcement agents assume the role of front line workers which means that in enforcing the lockdown, they must not only enforce the law with brutality as before but ensure that they also join the crusade on awareness raising on COVID 19.As highlighted before, there is need for stronger ties between the state and civil society built on mutual trust and respect. As part of this partnership, civil society organisations can train law enforcement agents on COVID 19 preventative measures and have collaborative programmes such as awareness raising on COVID 19 in suburbs. We need to do much more thinking about public health movements and pick up lessons from past epidemics. The last great European cholera epidemic, for example was not simply eradicated by medical science. What made a big difference in Hamburg at the end of the 19^th century was a workers’ public health movement led by socialist parties in poor neighbourhoods, teaching people about hygience, washing of hands and boiling water before drinking. Closer to home,HIV/AIDS in South Africa was not only contained by the roll-out of antiretrovirals.It was the Treatment Action Campaign that shook things up. This organisation created a democratic, gender-aware and rights-based social movement that destigmatised the disease and supported profound changes in sexual behavior. It built a movement for health that linked a campaign for access to medicine to a broader call for social justice.

In the final analysis, both the state and citizens need to change their approach on tackling COVID 19.At a time when governments across the world are struggling to control the spread of COVID 19, there is need for the state to change its approach and treat its citizens as active participants in the fight against COVID 19.Without participation by the citizens, the fight against COVID 19 will be a lost battle.

Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

 

Elections will be held in 2023, but Zimbabwe has even bigger problems

By Rawlings Magede

 The Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA) singles out the need for stronger and independent institutions as enablers for the conducting of free and fair elections. Section 3 (a) of ZIDERA deals with the independence of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) which is supposed to carry out its functions assigned under Section 239 of the constitution in an independent manner. Section 3 (c) deals with the Defence Forces of Zimbabwe who are bound by the constitution in Section 208 not to act in a partisan manner or further the interests of any political party.

 The 2018 elections left a lot of talking points especially around the credibility of ZEC and the complicit of security services in determining electoral outcomes. The unfortunate events of August 1, 2018 left a dark cloud hanging over prospects for the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and freedoms such as the right to petition and demonstrate enshrined in Section 59 of the constitution. The extra judicial killings by well known members of the Defence forces all but confirmed widely held perceptions that our security services are not apolitical. The “useless and time consuming” Commission of Inquiry set up soon after the killings failed to bring perpetrators of the shootings to book. Its report was verbose and ambiguous with no clear intent of ensuring that such an unfortunate incident will not envelop our politics ever again. If anything none of its six “rushed” recommendations spoke on the need to build strong, independent and accountable institutions which form the cornerstone of a stable government. A democracy with strong institutions would be able to produce the essential elements of a fully democratic government through proper separation of powers thereby enabling a system which allows for checks and balances of the various arms of government.

In Zimbabwe, Strong Men have ruled our weak institutions, allocated unchecked power to themselves and largely depleted our resources through cartels oiled by patronage. But all this is a major digression from the main discussion topic. 2023 and the Youth demography The MDC Alliance Youth Assembly is currently seized with a campaign dubbed #OneMillionCampaign which seeks to mobilize a million new youth voices for change. This initiative is progressive as it seeks to target a new youth constituency that has either not actively participated in democratic processes such as elections or even stood up for their rights. While this noble exercise is going on, the State for all its intents and purposes has ensured that it closes democratic space in as far as freedom of expression and the right to petition or demonstrate is concerned. A key strategy throughout the year has been to clamp down protests as early and consistently as possible. 

The Impala car rental protests organised by the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) bears testimony to that. The Union’s President, Takudzwa Ngadziore was kept behind bars for a lengthy period of time just to send a message of who really is in charge and discourage reactionary protests. The abduction of Tawanda Muchehiwa, nephew to Zimlive Editor, Mduduzi Mathuthu’s in broad day light demonstrates how far the State is willing to go to crush any form of dissent. As an inquiry into the abduction of Muchehiwa continues to unfold, it has also brought to the fore issues of heavy infiltration within the opposition party since one of the MDC Alliance members has been fingered for aiding in the abduction of Muchehiwa. Again as this is going on, ZEC has also been equally exposed for its lack of independence.

 Health Minister, Constantine Chiwenga who also doubles as the Country’s Vice President, announced a ban on by elections in October arguing that it was not safe to do so during the COVID 19 pandemic. To this effect, this has been challenged in court. Arguments cited are that such a ban infringes upon the independence of ZEC which has a constitutional mandate to ensure that elections are conducted efficiently, freely, fairly and transparently in line with Section 239 of the constitution. In response to the ban on by elections, ZEC chairperson Priscilla Chigumba highlighted that ZEC has no power in terms of the law to dictate to the Executive when elections should be held as it is not mandated to make policy decisions. Such a revelation however erodes citizens’ confidence in ZEC as it appears that the Executive controls this key commission. In the final analysis, the 2023 elections will come and go and will produce a disputed winner like before. Key reforms such as the need for ZEC to demonstrate its independence will continue to dominate and divide public opinion even post 2023.The bigger problems that we have ahead of the 2023 elections is the need to mutilate strong men politics and build strong institutions.

 To sum it up in former US President, Barack Obama’s words, No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end. Africa doesn't need strong men; it needs strong institutions

 Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

Turmoil in Nigeria, an urgent call for Security Sector Reform in Africa

By Rawlings Magede

 United Nations Secretary General, Antonio Guterres call in March 2020 before the escalation of the COVID 19 pandemic on the need to “Silence the Guns” in times of the global pandemic received was a progressive call. The call received broad international support as some parties to conflicts in many countries consolidated ceasefire or move towards laying down of weapons. As a way of amplifying calls for this noble initiative, the African Union (AU) resolved that ‘Silencing the guns: Creating conducive conditions for Africa’s development” was going to be the organization’s theme for 2020 as a way of ensuring that this call by the UN chief can be realized. A critical element for this call however is hinged on the need to reform, professionalise and strengthen the security sector in Africa.

 In the absence of sound security sector management and governance, African societies will remain or become vulnerable to threats in both the short and long term. Limited or incomplete security sector reform can scuttle efforts on the need to democratize and respect rule of law in Africa. Nigeria is in turmoil The West African country is currently under turmoil as citizens have taken to the streets calling for the abolition of the federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARs), a special police unit set up decades ago as the country tried to contain rising levels of crime and kidnappings.SARS is accused of initiating unlawful arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings. At the centre of the ongoing demonstrations is a video that went viral allegedly showing SARs officers killing a young man in the Southern Delta State. 

The man who leaked the video was arrested which further sparked even more anger by the protestors. Human Rights organisation, Amnesty International released a report that chronicles more than 80 cases of torture, ill-treatment and extrajudicial executions by SARs between January 2017 and May 2020. Following pressure on the need to disband SARs, Nigerian President, and Muhammadu Buhari was forced to act and dissolve the controversial unit. In its place, a new outfit, Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) was formed. The news of the formation of the SWAT failed to convince protestors off the streets as they viewed the renaming exercise as just another window dressing exercise by the government. The need for Security Sector reform in Africa is urgent! One of the many arguments peddled by opposition political parties in authoritarian regimes is the need for security sector reform.

 While ruling parties enjoy the unfettered benefits attached to incumbency, their long stay has been aided by politicised elements within the security establishment. In Zimbabwe for example, the military even during pre –independence era has always been the kingmaker in deciding political leadership. A case in point is the 1975 Mgagao declaration that deposed Ndabaningi Sithole at the helm of Zanu and replaced him with the then Secretary for Information, Robert Mugabe. At independence in 1980, the demobilization process initiated by the new government failed to cut the symbolic umbilical cord between political parties and the ex-combatants. This process if done sincerely was going to professionalize the security sector and ensure that they do not interfere in political processes. The 2013 constitution in Section 208 states that, “security services must not further the interests of any political party or act in a partisan manner”. Calls to depoliticize and professionalise the army over the years have been vehemently dismissed by some hardliners within the security establishment who have a sense of entitlement over the trajectory that the country must take especially when it comes to electoral processes. In the case of Nigeria, a series of military coups since 1966 have derailed efforts for a transition to effective civilian rule. From the 1990s, General Ibrahim Babangida who was the head of state then set a wrong precedence when he decreed that candidates who had participated in the presidential primaries were banned from further participation in Nigerian politics. Since that time, the country witnessed a series of coups right up to 1999 when Olusegun Obasanjo took over. Such practices mutilated a democratic culture within the country and closed space for citizens in demanding and holding institutions accountable.

 In scenarios where citizens would want to register displeasure on shortcomings of the government, the default mode of the government has been to resort to the use of violence, torture and extrajudicial killings. In Africa, the role of security services has been divorced from their constitutional obligation of respecting fundamental rights, freedoms and democratic values and principles. Across the African continent we have seen members of the security services using violence to crush dissent. In Cameroon, the protracted Anglo-phone crisis that engulfed the country in 2016, the military has killed hundreds of civilians who have dared to protest to register their displeasure over the reluctance of government to soberly address grievances from the Anglophone territories on Northwest Region and Southern Region. Time would fail me to talk about Ivory Coast, Chad, Niger among many African countries. Security Sector reform is no easy task. It is intrinsically a political process. It is often a very crowded space with many actors and many different interests. To achieve progress in reforming the security sector, countries must provide a clear vision on how they can manage political divisions and deal with long term rule of law priorities. In doing so, national constitutions must be upheld as a way of safeguarding human rights and rule of law.

 In the final analysis, security sector reform calls for a comprehensive approach to reform encompassing all the institutions of the security sector as well as other actors from civil society, oversight bodies and others. Its implementation requires independent institutions which can help insulate democracy and rule of law during the reform process. 

 Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development Expert who writes here in his personal capacity.Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

Never mind about “exporting patients” Minister, all we want is basic health care

By Rawlings Magede

Recently, new Health Minister Constantine Chiwenga during a press conference announced that government will no longer “export” its patients to neighbouring countries for treatment. In his address the new Health Minister bemoaned the high cost of the export bill that has in the past seen government footing bills for officials who get treatment overseas.

Exporting patients especially government officials to foreign countries for medical attention is not a phenomenon, during former President’s Robert Mugabe tenure of office, senior government officials made a beeline as they even sought medical attention even for minor ailments that our local health institutions could deal with . At the turn of the millennium as age took a toll on the former president, he made Singapore his second home as from time to time he frequented the Southeast Asian country for check-ups and treatment. The export bill during his time even ballooned to astronomical figures and set precedence for his cronies in government to snub local health facilities. Such a culture led to a neglect of our health infrastructure. The subsequent years that followed saw government crushing by every means necessary industrial action by health workers who would from time to time take to the streets to highlight the poor state of affairs within the sector. Coincidentally, it is the new Health Minister who fired striking nurses in April 2018 describing their industrial action as politically motivated and refused to entertain any of their concerns. Surprisingly, the new Minister this time has made another huge turn by singling out “exporting of patients” by government as the major cause for the poor health infrastructure.

Over the years, communicable diseases such as Cholera have wrecked havoc especially in our overcrowded high density suburbs. Public hospitals and clinics which in most cases do not have basic medication have failed to cope during times of great need. This has been made worse by governments’ decision to privatise health which has seen private surgeries mushrooming across the country. Services at these surgeries remain beyond the reach of many. The situation is worse in rural areas.

Access to health care is even worse in rural areas

Ensuring the well-being of its citizens is the primary goal of any government. Zimbabwe’s constitution in Section 76 provides for basic health care which must be enjoyed by every citizen without discrimination. In rural areas however, this right has evaded many over the years. In most cases, health care centres are far away from those they are supposed to serve, leaving people to travel long distances. Access has also been further impeded by a lack of infrastructure, such as roads that are not well maintained, resulting in poor road conditions and potholes that make it difficult for transportation of critical drugs .Due to years of neglect and derelict, bridges that have either collapsed or have not been constructed hinder travelling of patients during critical times and negatively affects the timely delivery of medical drugs and medical supplies to health centres. The situation is even difficult for women. According to a recent survey by the Zimbabwe Demographic Health Survey (ZDHS), institutional deliveries stood at an average of 77 percent. This means that about 20 percent of Zimbabwean birth over the past five years occurred at home, statistics which medical experts describe as unacceptably high. It is my view that in the wake of the COVID 19 induced lockdown, the percentage of home deliveries could be high.

Minister’s call welcome but…

In light of the structural reforms that Minister Chiwenga wants to usher in within the Health Ministry, the first stop must be in ensuring that the public health system is revamped, health workers are motivated to do their jobs by remunerating them in line with other professionals in the region and ensure that in this era of COVID 19,they have adequate Personal Protective Equipment ( PPEs).In respect to access to health care in rural areas, it is important to shorten distance travelled by people to access health care by at least building more health institutions and providing mobile clinics that can be used to visit certain areas on particular days. Mobile clinics can help scale up access to primary healthcare quickly and effectively because they are cheaper to operate and come with less costs to rural communities.

To help reduce “exportation of patients”, government must create a comprehensive referral system that ensures that even government officials get treatment locally to save resources. In cases where one seeks specialised health care abroad, it should only be after the referral system has recommended or in instances where one will use personal resources. This can help save resources that can be channeled towards resuscitating our public health care infrastructure. Closely linked to this is to close errant medical aid companies and private surgeries that continue to privatise health care by charging exorbitant amounts thereby making basic health care a luxuary. What citizens really want is quality health care services for their families at public health institutions. The privatization of social services only serve to benefit a few elites who over the years have abdicated their role of ensuring that inalienable rights such as the right to health care in enjoyed by all.

Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert who writes here in his personal capacity. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

The “us against them Syndrome” and the role of the Church in Zimbabwean politics.

By Rawlings Magede

There is no doubt that the new dispensation has failed to live up to people’s expectations. The golden opportunity gifted to President Mnangagwa after the military coup of 2017 to sanitize himself by embarking on a series of reforms, is now proving to be a nightmare for him as each day comes with its own fair share of embarrassment for the embattled regime. The economy that was inherited from Robert Mugabe is now worse off. From failure to stamp out graft and corruption to propping up monopolies over grain and fuel, signs of failure are now visible for all to see. The recent gaffe being a statement by Minister of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting services Monica Mutsvangwa where she branded the letter written by the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference (ZCBC) misguided. One would have expected the Minister’s response to be sober but alas she went overdrive by carefully choosing uncouth and derogatory phrases such as evil minded, misguided and evil to describe the bishops. Very much unheard of for a government Minister responsible for the overall communication and public relations of the government to resort to the use of hate speech to respond to critics. This is not the first time though the church has come under attack by the government.

The church, particularly the Roman Catholic Church has always stood for justice and peace which form the hallmark of its doctrine. During the Gukurahundi era in Western Zimbabwe in the 80s, the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) led by its former Director, Mike Auret (now late,MHSRP) ruffled Robert Mugabe’s feathers when it vehemently condemned the massacres. Under Auret’s leadership, the CCJP played a role to try and stop the slaughter of thousands of ZAPU members by Mugabe’s brigade of North Korean trained soldiers. Scores of people who had either been displaced or injured during Gukurahundi sought refuge at Catholic churches while some got assistance from the rural Catholic hospitals.Auret fearless character also saw him arranging for Archbishop Heinrich Karlen to meet Mugabe and told him in his face that his own soldiers are saying that they were sent by him to kill and alienate Ndebeles.This has been the attitude of the church since independence. When evil prevails, the church must always take a lead in speaking for the oppressed and voiceless.

Of ignorance and incompetence

The Ministry of Information either through its Permanent Secretary, Nick Mangwana or the Minister, Monica Mutsvangwa’s have more often than been exposed for their lack of tact and experience in handling government public relations and communications. The statement released as response to the Bishops is littered with hate speech from start to end. Added to this, it has tribal connotations as only one Bishop Robert Ndlovu is singled out of a list of seven Bishops and subjected to derogatory insults. Why him? Is it also by coincidence that the statement from the Ministry tries but fails to draw parallels between Bishop Ndlovu and a Rwandan priest, Archibishop Arthanase Seromba who led to the massacre of Tutsis during the Rwandan genocide of 1994 by directing Hutu militias to churches were thousands of Tutsis were taking refuge? The statement by the Ministry of Information also comes barely a week after another statement dismissing claims that there was a crisis in the country. Again that said statement exposed the carelessness and lack of tact by the Ministry. Hate speech again featured prominently. Nothing substantial was raised except for the usual name calling that has become cold comfort for the Ministry. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in all it failures has fared better that the Ministry of Information due to its careful choice of words and strategies. There is no doubt that the regime has failed to arrest run away prices and corruption but in my view I think the way the Ministry of information handles some government issues or gaffes exacerbates the situation.

The Catholic Bishops must be commended for making such an important call at a time when the space for civil liberties continue to be closed.Nomatter the consequences of taking such a stand, credit must be given to the Bishops. The country is at cross roads and the future that our war veterans fought for is on the verge of being destroyed. The approach by government not to take criticism lightly further exposes it as an administration that shuns reform and tolerance. President Mnangagwa must move from slogans to real action. What happened to his claim that he is a listening President? When will he listen? Does he listen? The statement to the Bishops exposes him as a leader bent on crushing and silencing anyone who dares to criticize him. In the final analysis, the Bishops have marked themselves out from the homogeneous crop of churches that over the years have turned a blind eye to the plight of citizens. The role of the church in Zimbabwe must even gain prominence even during such times. Truth to power is the new form of resistance.

Rawlings Magede is a Communication for Development expert with vast interests in human rights, peace building and sustainable development.Rawlings has been a blogger since 2009 and has written extensively on Zimbabwe’s constitution making process, politics,peace, devolution and media advocacy

Government’s COVID-19 monthly payouts insincere

By Rawlings Magede

Finance Minister, Mthuli Ncube is at it again. This time around he has announced that one million households will start receiving $3oo monthly payouts as part of government’s efforts to cushion people whose sources of income have been affected by COVID-19.Treasury’s Chief Director of Communications and Advocacy, Mr Clive Mphambela was quoted in the weekly Sunday mail confirming that the money for such an exercise has already been budgeted for and approved.

Given the astronomical rise in the cost of living, the $300 payout will do little to ameliorate the plight of the suffering citizens especially those in rural areas.The COVID 19 induced lockdowns across the world has seen a dip in diaspora remittances that has become the major source for rural livelihoods. Added to this, the closure of boarders has also dealt a heavy blow to cross boarder traders. Of course the Ministers’ announcement all but confirms government’s “copy and paste” approach that has seen the country religiously following lockdown measures being implemented down of Limpopo. This time around Mthuli has announced a relief package almost similar to that of South Africa with the only difference being that in South Africa the package amounts to R350 while ours is a mere $300.South Africa currently has Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grants which are a temporal provision of assistance intended for persons in dire material need that they are unable to meet or their families’ basic needs during the COVID 19 lockdown. Unlike in our case, South Africa has a clear laid out criterion to identify beneficiaries which helps safeguard against manipulation or abuse of the scheme.

The announcement by Mthuli is not new as in April 2020, he also announced a similar $600 million package for COVID 19 relief cash transfer to cushion vulnerable households whose income had been affected by the COVID 19 induced lockdown. To date, government has not made public the total number of households that benefitted from this facility for the purposes of transparency and accountability. If anything, some reports have pointed to partisan implementation of the facility.

Government’s insincerity exposed

$300 translates to a paltry US$3 on the parallel market. With this amount, one can only purchase a 2litre bottle of cooking oil. Other basic commodities are now being charged in foreign currency or the Zimbabwean dollar equivalent. A 10kg of mealie meal now costs US$5,a 2kg sugar US$2.50 and a 2kg flour US$2 respectively. The $300 monthly payout by government exposes government insincerity when it comes to the welfare of its own people and falls hard on the glaring reality of the high demand f the US dollar for basic commodities by most businesses. For rural communities however, this development is going to come at a huge cost. Local money changers will likely prey on beneficiaries of these government monthly payouts and distort the exchange rate so much that the money will fail even to buy a 2 litre bottle of cooking oil.

A case of misplaced priorities

There is no doubt that government is caught up in a catch 22 situation. Government has been exposed for prioritizing issues that are not on the top of citizens’ wishlist.In 2019, a report surfaced of how government had paid US$500, 000 to a United States based lobby group canvassing for the removal of targeted sanctions imposed on top ZANU PF officials. The US lobby group led by one Brian Ballard was to have targeted sanctions on 141 individuals and entities in Zimbabwe removed. The campaign for the removal of sanctions by the government appears to be retrogressive as on one hand, government commitment to respect and uphold fundamental human rights and freedoms of its citizens remains questionable. The recent arrest of investigative journalist, Hopewell Chin’ono and Transform Zimbabwe leader, Jacob Ngarivhume demonstrates the lack of commitment by government to respect human rights. The Chin’ono arrest reminds me of how Frank Fukuyama in his book, Political Order and Political Decay explains the link between corruption of ruling elites and shadow economies. These shadow economies are usually exempted from paying taxes at the instigation of ruling elites and are oiled by well orchestrated illicit activities and can deploy the “mafia” to silence and crush those that seek to expose entrenched acts of corruption among ruling elites.

Coming back to the issue of the US$500,000 that was given to a dubious firm, how many people would have benefitted had government donated that money for COVID 19 relief? As corruption is busy bringing down Africa’s once prosperous economy, the country continues to slide further into turmoil. Citizens are restless and there is consensus among the generality of citizens that the ZANU PF government does not have solutions to the current state of affairs. Recent revelations by Finance Minister Mthuli Ncube during his mid-year budget review that the country will record its worst Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows in more than a decade this year should be a cause for concern. According to his projections, the country will only receive US$150 million this year as compared to US249.5 million recorded in 2019.

In the final analysis, government must be called to order over its lack sincerity with regards to the COVID 19 monthly payouts. The paltry $300 monthly payouts reveal government’s lack of concern and commitment to take care of its citizens during these desperate times. Government’s the world over are coming up with reasonable relief payouts in the wake of COVID 19 lockdowns. South Africa is giving out monthly payouts of R350 to its vulnerable citizens. From that amount, its citizens are able to purchase all the basic necessities to take them throughout the month. It is time our government demonstrates serious in this regard.


Rawlings is a Communication for Development expert with vast interests in human rights, peace building and sustainable development. He writes here in his personal capacity and has been a blogger since 2009.He has written extensively on Zimbabwe’s constitution making process, politics, peace, devolution and media advocacy. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

Why the fight against corruption in Zimbabwe is matter of life and death

By Rawlings Magede

Section 254 of the Zimbabwean constitution establishes the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC). One of the key functions of this commission is to investigate and expose cases of corruption in the public and private sector. Since the adoption of the constitution in 2013, the role of this commission has come under spotlight especially when it comes to corruption cases involving ruling elites. Critics have questioned the commissions’ independence from political influence and its ability to decisively deal with corruption.

As a way of trying to restore sanity within ZACC, President Mnangagwa in December 2019, fired the entire ZACC Commissioners over allegations of corruption. However, such a move did not make ZACC stronger but further eroded public confidence in the commissions’ independence. It turned out that the newly appointed Chairperson of ZACC Justice Loice Matanda-Moyo, is wife to Foreign Affairs Minister Sibusiso Moyo,a top ally of President Mnangagwa who was instrumental in the 2017 military led coup. Critics have highlighted that she is conflicted to take up that position due to the above reasons. In the absence of strong institutions that can nip corruption in the bud, the country witnessed a surge in activists who took their frustrations of lack of action on corruption by the state to micro blogging sites such as Twitter.

On 20 July 2020, police raided and arrested an investigative journalist, Hopewell Chin’ono. Before the arrest, the journalist recorded a video where members of the security services were captured in the footage harassing the journalist and directing him to stop recording. Chin’ono must be credited for using non-violent means to mobilize citizens to register their concerns to the government.His activism on social media had a wider appeal even among diasporians who over the years had taken a back bench. His arrest though highlights the impact of his activism which has seen social media users taking government officials to task. One prominent corruption case he exposed involves Drax International and President Mnangagwa’s son, Collins. In typical money heist fashion, Drax International was awarded a dubious US60 million contract to supply equipment to spread of COVID 19.The Drax scandal also sucked then Health Minister, Obadiah Moyo who was temporarily arrested and later relieved of his duties. His other campaign dubbed #UnfollowEd saw more than 12 000 people unfollowing President Mnangagwa on twitter. From then on, Hopewell became the talk of town by ZANU PF members who described his fight against corruption as foreign sponsored. ZANU PF politburo member, Patrick Chinamasa in a televised press conference, described Chin’ono as an unscrupulous character and warned that continued systematic targeted attacks on the First family were supposed to stop. The arrest of Chin’ono does not come as a surprise as the regime is on an offensive to silence its critics and cover up on its nefarious activities especially in relation to awarding of government tenders. Despite all this public information on corruption cases, ZACC continues to sleep on duty.

Zimbabwe’s legal framework on corruption

Domestically, the country has codified and enacted a significant portion of its principal anti-corruption legislation (the Criminal Law (Codification and reform) Act and the Anti-Corruption Act. This has been followed up by the signing and ratification of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) in 2004 and 2007 respectively. The UNCAC is a legally binding anti-corruption agreement applicable on a global basis. Under this key convention states committed to implement a wide and detailed range of anti-corruption measures that affect their laws, institutions and practices. These measures promote prevention, criminalization and law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. Notably for Zimbabwe, the full implementation of the provisions of the UNCAC is not yet complete. The Anti-corruption Act is notable as it exhibits a clear desire by Zimbabwe to fulfill the obligations placed on it by the UNCAC.It is the enforcement of this legislation that remain a challenge even today. A typical example of how government has reneged on promises to uphold and implement its obligations relates to the comprehensive bill of rights that is provided for in Chapter 4 of the constitution. The Bill of Rights sets out rights and freedoms that the people of Zimbabwe are entitled to by virtue of being human beings. These rights are constitutional rights and are therefore legally binding. Besides the provision of rights such as the right to human dignity, personal security, freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, freedom of expression, freedom to petition to petition and demonstrate, the state continues to criminalise and arrest citizens who dare exercise such rights. The latest incident being that of Chin’ono and Transparency Zimbabwe leader, Jacob Ngarivhume. At the time of writing, the two are in police custody awaiting trial. According to the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR),Chin’ono has been charged with incitement to participate in a gathering with intent to promote public violence as defined in Section 187 (1) of the Code as read with section 37 (1)(a) of the Code. Ngarivhume arrest also comes at a time when he was busy mobilizing citizens for a 31 July 2020 demonstration against corruption.

In the final analysis, the arrest of Ngarivhume and Chin’ono expose governments’ insincerity and lack of political will to decisively deal with corruption. There is consensus among the general public that corruption and not sanctions is the Achilles heel in government’s efforts to turn around the economy. Further to this, despite signing and ratification of the UNCAC in 2004 and 2007 coupled together with domestic pieces of legislation such as the Anti-Corruption Act, government has aptly demonstrated lack of political will to implement fully provisions provided in its own laws. The fight against corruption is everyone’s fight and knows no political affiliation.

Rawlings is a Communication for Development expert with vast interests in human rights, peace building and sustainable development. Rawlings writes in his personal capacity and has been a blogger since 2009 where he has written extensively on Zimbabwe’s constitution making process, politics, peace, devolution and media advocacy.