Recently, ZANU PF National Political Commissar, Engelbert Rugeje gave an exclusive interview to the Herald where he was buoyant over the mobilization capacity of ZANU PF ahead of the 2018 plebiscite. He spoke at length about a “spider web” campaign strategy, a campaign that he said focused cells in a way that link them together just lie the spider does.
However recent developments within ZANU PF primary election processes have exposed Rugeje as some losing candidates accuse him of rigging elections against them. After the shambolic primary elections, there was a lot of disgruntlement within ZANU PF. Among the disgruntlement were a section of war veterans who accused Rugeje of sidelining them. It even got worse as the politburo ordered a rerun of primary elections in some constituencies.
The war veterans even sought audience with President Mnangagwa in Harare where they expressed the sidelining of war veterans who were aspiring for political office. By agreeing to meet war veterans, Mnangagwa acknowledges that war veterans remain a key player in ZANU PF political jigsaw. Their capacity to mobilize communities through intimidation tactics have given birth to communities that are fearful. Past episodes of political violence continue to remind local communities of how far the ruling establishment can go in retaining power at all costs.
The war veterans have arm-twisted the ruling party on numerous occasions just to get their demands met. In most instances they have threatened to decampaign the party and this has worked as they have managed to manipulate circumstances to extort trinkets. What remains undeniable is the fact that after the military coup of November 2017, ZANU PF is at its weakest. No one within the party has a clue of how they can master and implement Mugabe’s tactics that kept him at the helm for so long. Never in the history of ZANU PF have we witnessed such intimidation and violence during primary elections. What is even revealing about the infighting and disunity within ZANU PF is that the party has no capacity in running and managing internal party fissures. The divisions and conflicts created by primary elections present another opportunity for a protest vote (bhora musango) as witnessed in 2008.But any hope within those disgruntled in ZANU PF that the need to repeat the primary elections would unite warring parties and create a better quality process will turn out to be overly optimistic. Instead, the second run of the primary elections were controversial as the first as fresh evidence has already emerged that those who helped Mnangagwa ascend to power will now be uncontested as is the case in Norton.
Added to this, there appears to be no shift from the Mugabe era as demonstrated by an excessive concentration of authority in individuals which has enable enabled the formation of imperial-like presidencies. It has reinforced power relations that make ZANU PF members mere recipients of the party’s largesse (where available) rather than active members. Surprisingly, it is not only ZANU PF that has presided over sham primary elections.
Age vs Experience
Opposition party, MDC-T is yet to conclude its primary elections. What is unfortunate is that its primary elections have been marred by reports of vote rigging, intimidation and in some cases open violence. There is a war of attrition between the old generation and the young party leaders over the selection of candidates in the primary elections. Given by developments in Mabvuku and Harare West, it seems the young generation has gained an upper hand by dislodging senior party leaders in primary elections. However, the major weakness of such a move is that there appears to be no mechanism in place to blend the “old guard” and the young leaders. The process is also devoid of any measures that ensure that even disgruntled “losing” candidates remain in the party. In my view this presents a recipe for frustration and disaster. While it’s important to thrust young leaders into key constituencies, the process requires precision and tact so as to accommodate everyone. Added to this, there is some value that Legislators who have served in Parliament for some years can still bring. Since it’s not yet uhuru for opposition parties, there is no need to create confusions that birth protest vote or force some legislators to become independent candidates. ZANU PF enjoys more than two thirds majority in Parliament and if MDC-T fails to do internal laundry on its candidate selection criteria, then they risk even losing its traditional seats especially urban constituencies (Harare West, Mabvuku etc.).
There is no doubt that citizens are frustrated by the current administration. The new dispensation has failed to live up to its billing as we have continued to see protection of corrupt politicians, a culture of impunity and the lack of political will to tackle critical issues. In rural areas, the ZANU PF machinery remains oiled as Traditional leaders and ZANU PF structures have intensified voter intimidation. Added to this, independent Commissions such as the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission that are supposed to cut the umbilical cord from ZANU PF and demonstrate genuine independence have remained heavily compromised. Repugnant pieces of legislation such as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) have remained in place even though they contradict some provisions of the constitution.
For the ordinary citizen, it’s a tough choice to make. The confusion that currently characterize opposition politics has generated contentious public debates that have become swan songs with some people highlighting that the lack of political tolerance will become the nemesis for opposition. On the other hand, you have a clueless regime that has mastered sloganeering as a panacea for the ailing economy. In the final analysis, it is important to highlight that the people in their diverseness will have the final say come election time.
Rawlings Magede is a Pan Africanist who writes in his personal capacity. He tweets @rawedges and contactable on vamagede@gmail.com
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