Africa’s Leadership renewal: A facade of Transitional Democracy

Africa is currently grappling and coming to terms with the seemingly interesting news that Africa’s second long serving President, José Eduardo dos Santos will step down after current country elections. This is after 38 years of plunder and self-accumulation of wealth.as part of a “peaceful” transition dos Santos has handpicked his ally, Defence Minister João Lourenço to be his successor. Given the past dominance of the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), Lourenco is likely to win the Presidential election. Under the new arrangement dos Santos will remain the President of his party, the ruling until at least 2021. This alone vests considerable power in him including power to choose parliamentary candidates. Earlier this month, parliament also passed legislation safeguarding dos Santos’ picks at the head of Defence and intelligence services.

While this is cause for celebration in terms of leadership renewal in Africa’s tainted history of military coups, dos Santos’ invisible hand of control will continue to dog Lourenco’s administration at least for the foreseeable future. The appointed new president is just a ceremonial president with no power of decision. Stepping down by dos Santos is meant to deceive Africa yet the truth is that he is still in control. Closely linked to this is the passing of new laws by government last month which prevent the next president from firing the military, police, and intelligence chiefs.

Just like past and present African presidents, dos Santos has also created an empire and dynasty for his family during his 38-year tenure at the helm. While he remains party president, his daughter Isabel will stay in charge of Sonangol, the state oil company, after being appointed in June 2016, and Jose Filomeno, dos Santos’ son, will remain in charge of Angola’s $5 billion sovereign wealth fund.

The developments in Angola are not new but have happened elsewhere across the world. In Cuba long serving President, Fidel Castro, who in his early 30s, aligned Cuba with the Soviet Union and used Cuban troops to support revolution in Africa and throughout Latin America, appointed his brother Raul Castro as his successor. In Venezuela, the late President Hugo Chavez credited for initiating a leftist political process, Bolivarian Revolution, appointed a former driver, Nicolás Maduro as his successor in 2013.To date the administrations both in Cuba and Venezuela have been accused of diverting from the script and plunging the two countries into retrogression in terms of previous gains by their predecessors. Their failure has also been largely to the ever unpredictable webs of patronage and business interests left by their predecessors, making them vulnerable to exposure.

So yes, the stepping down by dos Santos should not be celebrated beyond its normal confines as doing so is akin to applying lipstick to a frog. The new President Lourenco will take over from where dos Santos left and will not even seek to antagonize the current status quo. So, given the mixed experiences with the contentious but yet necessary debate of transition in African countries, we can also identify a trend where incumbent presidents have continued to grip on power by any means necessary by appointing loyal and subservient successors. Ghana should be credited for managing peaceful transitions since 1992 and today its credited for this. This is of course outside other African countries such as South Africa that have done well in this regard.

Will Mugabe ever choose a successor?

Recently, First Lady Grace Mugabe shocked the nation when she announced that it was noble for President Mugabe to choose and anoint a successor. In her own words, she said that,” the president has the right to be involved in naming his successor, and that the president’s word is final. “Since the 1990s ZANU PF members who have dared raise this controversial subject of succession have either been disciplined or expelled. What is important to note is the underlying meaning of First Lady’s sentiments. Firstly, her sentiments imply that she has finally conceded that her husband will not be there forever to offer her protection. Secondly, while its necessary for party members to debate about it, her husband must name successor and whoever that successor will be, he or she will serve at the mercy of the President. Thirdly, given in the recent past, she has demonstrated both influence and authority in the dismissal and public humiliation of party cadres who at one point were untouchable, the likely successor will also serve at her pleasure. This is more so because naturally, there is no way Mugabe will appoint a vengeful foe who is unpredictable and likely to torment and scuttle wealth accumulated by his family.

Just like the case in Angola, Mugabe’s invisible hand even from beyond the grave will continue to dictate decisions for any ZANU PF administration in the future. In the event that Mugabe does indeed appoint a successor, it will be a mere perpetuation of his rule.

When discussing about transition in Zimbabwe, succession is a puzzle that we cannot avoid. This article is not about who will emerge the ultimate successor within ZANU PF’s succession matrix but about the precedence in Africa where leaders still remote control events even from their graves. What even makes succession interesting is Mugabe’s reluctance to name a successor even when there are overwhelming signs of fatigue and incapacity on his part. The delay in naming a successor even at a ripe age of 94 reveals the continued thirst and appetite to continue ruling even when the body gives off its ghost.

Close cronies who have worked with Mugabe over the years have all revealed how power hungry Mugabe is. In his book, The Story of My Life, former Vice President Joshua Nkomo, confessed that he once asked Mugabe a question over what was the supreme organ in the country. To this, Mugabe replied that it was the ZANU PF Central Committee. This was at the height of the Gukurahundi atrocities in Matabeleland and the Midlands region after Nkomo was dismissed from government. After his subsequent dismissal from ZANU PF, former ZANU PF Secretary General, Edgar Tekere simply remarked that “Democracy is in the intensive unit”. All this points to the fact that Mugabe is willing to maintain power at any costs.

In the final analysis, Zimbabwe has reached a defining moment in as far as transition is concerned. The calls for Mugabe to name a successor are growing louder with each passing day. Even if he does concede and names his successor, he will likely name a candidate who will be loyal to him even in his retirement. It will just be a mere perpetuation of his rule just like the case in Angola.

Rawlings Magede writes here in his personal capacity. He tweets @raw edges and can be contacted onvamagede@gmail.com

Crisis in the DRC, a lesson for Zimbabwe

While Zimbabweans battle coming to terms with the seemingly false news yet true reality of the new Amendment bill, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has slid into a constitutional crisis. The crisis in the country located in central sub-Saharan Africa, started in December 2016 when President Joseph Kabila’s mandate officially and up to this day there are still no signs of an upcoming vote. The current regime led by Joseph Kabila have a sober understanding of the ground rules and is using the crisis to tighten its grip on power. December 19, 2016 should have been his last day in office as president in the country’s first democratic transition since independence in 1960.Kabila won the Presidency in 2001, secured a mandate in 2006 and then romped to victory in the 2011 elections that were described by many as fraudulent. This is partly because the elections failed to pass the democratic test as enunciated in the Congolese law and by various African Union (AU) instruments such as the Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The current crisis in the DRC is a legacy of elections of the 2011 elections that failed to pass the democratic test of free and fair elections. Such is the sad story in the DRC today.

When analyzing the crisis in the DRC, it’s important to also try to unpack the various interventions taken by regional organizations such as SADC and AU in the DRC. These two regional bodies have been credited in some quarters for fostering peace and brokering political agreements that have insulated the continent from the threats such as civil wars that hinder development. SADC key role in the restoration of peace in the DRC comes from decades of security engagements and regional diplomacy having intervened twice. The first was in 1998 after the DRC was invaded by Rwanda and Uganda.SADC swiftly responded by rallying member states such as Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola to drive the invading forces away. In 2003 again, SADC yet again was key in the country’s security sector reform and was swift in deploying troops from South Africa, Malawi and Tanzania to contain the M23 rebels in eastern DRC.Fast forward this to present day SADC where the big brotherhood syndrome has crippled the effectiveness of SADC.Present day SADC has found itself in a difficult situation where it has to decide the fate of former SADC chairperson, Kabila.

Such a predicament has compromised its role and has left the country in a constitutional crisis that presents a ticking time bomb for thregional body that will likely divide it. In October 2016, the AU brokered a deal in the DRC that set a transitional government and clear timelines for elections in 2018 but left out partners from the main opposition coalition termed le Rassemblemet. The Catholic church that was instrumental and vocal against the undemocratic government of Kabila distanced itself from the SADC brokered arrangement protesting over the exclusion of the opposition and previous violent crackdown of protestors by government forces that left people dead. Many even outside the DRC criticized SADC for brokering such a flawed agreement that ignored a lot of key issues and seemed biased in favour of the government. This was against a background where SADC had enjoyed a good reputation across the African continent as an impartial institution and actor that had earned trust and respect when it intervened to bring peace and combat threat posed by terrorism DRC back in 1998 and 2003 respectively. It’s true that SADC’s role in the DRC has been key especially in past political crises but it has dismally failed to deal or intervene in the crisis that currently dog the DRC.

Its role in the region in mitigating regional conflagration is key given the number of crises that have spilled over borders. Back in Zimbabwe, many a time, people have criticized SADC as a regional grouping devoid of bringing lasting and durable solutions especially to long serving Presidents who have continued to enjoy over protection from SADC.Even today, when one goes through the Global Political Agreement (GPA), you wonder why a winning Presidential candidate got less from the agreement. In Zimbabwe for example, while many would to credit it for brokering the GPA that midwifed the inclusive government, the agreement was violated several times by ZANU PF. In search of lasting solutions, opposition parties that were in the inclusive government lobbied SADC and AU citing the violation of the agreement by ZANU PF. In a clear sign of weakness on the part of SADC, the lobbying produced nothing. It turned out that SADC wanted to remove Zimbabwe from its problems as they went on to even endorse and recognize ZANU PF leadership at various platforms besides the flagrant violation of the GPA.

So in a nutshell, it’s quite dangerous that main opposition parties in Zimbabwe do not realise that lobbying SADC yields no fruits. Closely linked to this is the fact that the DRC is set to hold its national elections in 2018, the same year with Zimbabwe. Both SADC and the AU are currently at sixes and sevens over how to resolve the crisis in the DRC.Adding Zimbabwe to the list of its problems especially given that the 2018 election results are likely to be disputed after opposition party, MDC-T declared that they will not accept the outcome of the 2018 elections.

What then must the opposition do?

While it’s always key to lobby these regional bodies, opposition parties must organize themselves right from their structures to ensure that once the voter registration commences, they register en masse. There isn’t much that can come from lobbying SADC particularly when it comes to long serving statesman who at one point have assumed the chairmanship of SADC.There isn’t much that the current chairperson from Botswana, Ian Khama can do. In the past he has taken a strong stance against Zimbabwe but failed to rally fellow African countries to be firm and tough on Zimbabwe. Even if he is to take a strong stance against the way the Zimbabwean elections will be run, fellow members in these regional groupings will neither support or endorse his stance.

The ill-advised talk of disbanding the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) by some “lawyers” is not even a feasible option given that elections are just a few months away. Even that legal initiative risks eclipse as it seems that political parties (including opposition parties) are already preparing for elections that will be run by ZEC.It seems the urge for office and sinecure has overtaken the need to reflect and strategize. Such calls for the disbandment of ZEC are reared in opposition politics of cold comfort that shy away in the face of daring facts. The important point to note is here is the inevitable, directional and messaging confusion created by such calls on opposition members. When talking to even an opposition member at the lowest structure, they can’t help it but in rehearsed precision, call for the disbandment of ZEC just a few months before the 2018 plebiscite. However, the political world is always a setting for unsympathetic watchers, for critics who watch empathy as a weakness.

Recently I attended a public meeting on the Biometric Voter Registration (BVR) where Dr Alex Magaisa spoke at length about a Logistics committee within ZEC that is responsible for running elections. Apparently, no one, even opposition parties know the members who constitute this committee. Opposition parties must also use the engagements with ZEC to probe further the kind of people employed in this key committee. Then there is talk of “defending the vote” whatever that means. But all this talk of “defending the vote” is another matter, another story for another day!

In the final analysis, the 2018 elections will be a make or break scenario. President Mugabe knows this and this explains the country wide Youth Interface meetings where his message is clear on the need for youths to register to vote and ensure that they vote for ZANU PF. I’m not sure if the opposition parties pushing for a coalition will have enough time to mobilize their members, share constituencies ahead of the 2018 elections. Only time will tell!

Rawlings Magede is a rural political enthusiast who writes in his personal capacity. He tweets @rawedges. Feedback on vamagede@gmail.com

2018 elections and the Youth Vote

I wish to add my thoughts to the ongoing debate on the intentions of President Mugabe youth interface meetings that are currently ongoing across the country. This is one of the most debated issues among political parties today with some opposition parties crying foul alleging that state resources are being used to campaign for ZANU PF ahead of the 2018 elections. In this conversation, I will not try to probe whether its noble for the President to do such a thing but rather on why youths are a key constituency as 2018 elections loom. The Youths interface meetings were also necessitated on the need to capture new voters who seem reluctant to participate in electoral processes. At these meetings his message has been one of rallying this important group to vote for ZANU PF resoundingly in the 2018 elections. What’s rather suspicious is why the interface meetings are specifically targeting youths and not women or men given that in past election campaigns, he has combined his rallies to address all age groups. A quick review of such a move will better help us to understand this sudden departure.

New Voters on the horizon

Previous voter registration campaigns by political parties and civic society, especially in 2013, failed to capture the youth vote. This is attributable to the fact that most youths who have found themselves in urban centres due to varying reasons, have distanced themselves from participating in electoral processes due to a number of reasons. The high levels of unemployment have created a youth who is mindful about bread and butter issues at the expense of other responsibilities such as participating in democratic processes such as voting. Because of the pinching economic environment aswell, youths have somehow shied away from processes such as voter registration exercises that seem to consume their time and energy. Previous voter registration such as that experienced in 2013 were tedious and discouraged the few youths who were willing to register to vote. What remains true is the fact that new voters have been born and they constitute a sizeable chunk of the new electorate. As 2018 elections approach, people born in the year 2000 will add to the number of people eligible to vote. This has created a tussle among political players for this new constituency of youths who if convinced to vote, can be a game changer come 2018 elections. Let me attempt to interrogate the reasons behind some of the reasons why the President is on a country-wide campaign to meet this new crop of voters.

It’s a numbers game!

President Mugabe has been credited by many for having a sound ideological grounding, that of nationalism coupled with cheap populist rhetoric. Over the years, he has used this to his advantage by utilising local and international platforms to churn out his agenda in a bid to convert and indoctrinate people. Of special mention is his anti-western stance which has become his mainstay every time he gets an opportunity. Over the years he has tried with limited success to sell this to the younger and unemployed constituency. Of course his message has failed to find meaning because it has failed to explain the current state of affairs that the youths are facing. President Mugabe knows and appreciates that for his rhetoric on recolonization and onslaught of western sanctions to find meaning, the younger generation needs an ideological orientation of some sort. His youth meetings are very predictable, and will likely involve narratives on the liberation war, what his government has done to safeguard sovereignty and lastly, what the youths should do to ensure that the gains and sacrifices made are not washed away. This will be done by voting resoundingly for ZANU PF in the 2018 elections. Lastly he is likely to make false promises such as creation of jobs and projects and stands for the youths. This is rehearsed because he knows that at the heart of every youth is the urge to make progress in life and be able to be self-sufficient. So it’s a matter of capturing this important constituency by whatever means.

Closely linked to this is the fact that over the years, youths especially from across the country have complained over the lack of direct access to the Presidium. This includes even youths drawn from ZANU PF structures. The intermediaries between them and the Presidium have been blamed for using youths to further their own parochial agendas while neglecting their concerns. What this has created is a sense of resentment for the Presidium on the basis that it does not engage this important constituent. The youth interface meetings will seek to demystify this perception among the youths and create a false picture of a President who is easily accessible to them.

Lastly and equally important is the fact that the current crop of youths have horrific stories to tell about the consequences of being actively involved in politics. The widely held view among the youths is that politics is a dangerous game. The vicissitudes of past electoral violence in 2002,2005 and 2008 have constantly reminded youths of the dangers and risks that exist within the political arena. Over the years, this new crop of voters who by the way are very active on social media have read and watched heinous videos of how ZANU PF crushed dissenting political voices and intolerance. This has then relegated them to spectators despite the fact that they make up the majority of the population. By creating the youth interface meetings, President Mugabe wants to dissolve some of these widely held perceptions.

Can opposition parties capture the youths vote?

I have been criticised so many times for opposing the need for a coalition in 2018.In my view, I think that the problem facing opposition politics is not necessarily that a single opposition party cannot beat ZANU PF in an election. No. If the MDC-T did it in 2008, it means it’s still possible today. There is no doubt that the majority of people desire change in Zimbabwe. The deepening economic crisis that we are currently experiencing have in some way acted as a catalyst for the ordinary citizens to desire to seek change via the ballot. So in my view, it’s not a question of having opposition parties coming together under an umbrella of a coalition. It’s a question of how opposition parties can be organised as we draw closer to 2018 elections. How can they capture new voters and convince the youths to register to vote? It’s a question of strategy used to lure them to vote. Politics in general is a discipline where blunders are costly and that has been the case with our opposition parties in Zimbabwe. The height of naivety by opposition parties was demonstrated when they chose against better advice to boycott all by elections citing issues of electoral reforms. What still confuses till today is their intentions to participate in the 2018 elections without even a single electoral reform implemented. With such discord at this eleventh hour, we can even begin to read and make predictions of what the 2018 elections will yield. So, I don’t believe in a coalition on that basis. I just believe that if “bigger” opposition parties can best organise themselves better they are able to get something out of the 2018 elections. I have deliberately avoided to delve deeper into the debate of what is a big opposition or what numbers do some opposition parties have. This is best left to the reader to stir such conversations, lest I be labelled.

Rawlings Magede is a rural political enthusiast,and writes here in his personal capacity.For feedback vamagede@gmail.com

A new Zimbabwe beckons

By Rawlings Magede

Tribute to Cont Mhlanga

Cont Mhlanga is retired today, having left Amakhosi theatre, a company he founded in 1982.Yes 1982.Today this great icon is now based in his rural home of Lupane, retired yet continuing to offer inspiration to upcoming actors in theatre and drama. The dream of churning out actors who would put Zimbabweans on the international map, still lives to this day. Recently I had an opportunity to spend a day with this great icon in Lupane having paid a courtesy visit to learn from this great icon, lessons of what it takes to run and achieve such a seemingly impossible dream. When I quizzed him on why he chose to retire, his answer, soft but yet firm was that he felt he needed to give way to new ideas and new blood. Today the villagers in Lupane have a legend right in their background, a legend who groomed many established artists and actors who continue to fly the Zimbabwean flag high in different corners of the world. What amazed me when I was talking to Cont, is his desire to see artists self-sustainable beyond Amakhosi. Today, one of Zimbabwe’s decorated artist, Cont mingles with villagers, having fought a good fight and defied odds. Cont Mhlanga, a true Zimbabwean legend, who contributed immensely to the development of arts and theatre, a legend whose feat and determination is worth emulating. True legend, great respect.

Wither #Thisflag?

Zimbabwe has been experiencing a series of protests in the past few months against all sorts of vices such as cronyism, corruption and the general economic collapse. While this is commendable in as much as pushing government to account and be more transparent, the debate that currently tops on social media is the one of Pastor Evan, who invented #Thisflag movement. While critics have swiftly moved to brand the cleric a fraud, or fake, what is uncontestable is that his message resonated with what many were experiencing at the time. While this article is not dedicated to defend Mawarire, but it think what such critics miss is the notion that the struggle should not be personalized. Mawarire just like all of us, is a citizens who played his part and what is left is for us to play our parts aswell.The momentum that was gained during Mawarire’s campaign has fast faded away. Rather the fever has caught those especially in the diaspora who are using the social media to register their displeasure of the current state of affairs in Zimbabwe. While we have witnessed a few demonstrations over the last months, what is lacking is an organic and well-structured movement that glorifies overzealous individuals as champions. What is lacking are selfless individuals who will not be so much interested in “recording” the struggle to share on social media where their false acts of bravado and macho man like expeditions allow them to get a handful of likes and good comments. This is what is killing the momentum. While some try to use social media to wage a revolution, they remain unsuccessful. What is needed is an organic movement that puts on itself a citizen responsibility of making or bringing change. Added to this there have been changes that have taken place over the years. My question today is what is the reference and guiding document or charter that measures, reviews and evaluates our struggle from time to time? I will not waste effort to talk about NERA for obvious reasons. At times I wonder, how history will judge us after all the madness currently going abruptly comes to an end.

The two faces of ZANU PF factionalism

It’s beyond any shadow of doubt that factionalism continues to hinder economic growth and cripple efforts to combat corruption. The current turmoil in ZANU PF continues to unfold even in public glare. On one end, the two factions within ZANU PF continue to use anything at their disposal to make desperate points or continue to tear each other apart. The recent ZIMDEF scandal being the height of where factions can go in their bid to gain an upper hand. What is important to note is that those “high sounding nothing” scandals only serve services and lubricates factional politics. Nothing more. The debate on how Jonathan Moyo abused the Zimdef funds is now fading away. Money was misappropriated and that is just that. Such a case goes on to confirm the notion that has always been held that President Mugabe’s soft stance towards corruption have spurred his cronies to aim at breaking records of corruption.

Enter the greedy lot!

The news that war veterans are demanding US$500,000 made sad reading. Why this group of people thinks that Zimbabwe owes them and therefore should be held at ransom still baffles my mind. After the fallout of Christopher Mutsvangwa and his subsequent expulsion from ZANU PF, there has been increasing tensions between them and their patron, President Mugabe. In complete defiance of their patron, the war veterans severed their ties from ZANU PF. During this period, they have also made demands and offered “ultimatums” that include demands for payment of school fees for their children. The recent demand for the 500k highlights their latest outrageous demands. This is the group that was heavily rewarded with farms and ZW$50,000 gratuities in 1997.Their approach has somewhat been cunning, whenever they have made outrageous demands, President Mugabe has made a flurry of flamboyant promises to them, some of them so fantastical and unnecessary that many have wondered why President would wrap and trap himself in such unsustainable obligations. Just last week he donated cars to them. The government is currently saddled by a burden of paying salaries of civil servants while there is little or no production in the economy. The war veterans seem to have an upper hand because they are needed to mobilize and campaign for ZANU PF ahead of any election. This, they have done with zeal over the years with 2008 being their height of their brutality especially in the run up to the June presidential elections.ZANU PF on one hand has to deal with the fights within factions that seem not to be slowing down while on the other hand the constant menace and threat of the war veterans continues to haunt it and cause serious divisions.

The Mistake of 2013

While some people can give credit to ZANU PF for crafting a “catchy” electoral message in the form of its indigenization manifesto in the 2013 Presidential elections, it is the same propaganda that has returned to haunt it a few years later. The “indigenize, empower and develop’ propaganda has created a multitude of vendors and total economy collapse. Elections are about promises, but ZANU PF got caught up in its own rhetoric and refused, against all economic indicators, to alter its pledges. As a result the party came to power preoccupied with managing expectations instead of the country. Still today, the outrageous promises of creating a million jobs continues to fuel and arm social movements with messaging that is relative. Yet Mugabe’s image as an avuncular and wise statesman has been undone by his blustery, self-righteous anger in office, as he has taken a law-and-order, take-no-prisoners approach to all problems – even those requiring tact and negotiating acumen. With Mugabe improvising aimlessly and looking confused and ill-prepared to tackle emerging promises, some supporters even within his party are now saying that it would have perhaps been better if he had never “won” the 2013 elections. Instead he has found a new home, a fortress to protect him from pressure from domestic pressures. This new home is the frequent and unnecessary visits to afar off foreign lands even to summits that seem ignoble and petty for a whole head of state. This however has enabled him to remain the philosopher and false custodian of political morality that his party still imagine him to be, a transcendental figure unmoored to and above the messy contestations of politics and the complicated art of governance that he has failed to master.

The centre has lost hold

In all this, the centre of power doesn’t appear moved, rather the President has utilized any opportunity he gets in his new “fortress” to pour vitriol on imperialists whom he accuses of trying to recolonize us. What he knows is that he has lost the script and knows that no sooner than later, factionalism will have the last laugh. All things good or bad come to an end. Time today has failed me to talk about Social movements in Zimbabwe where serious discord and petty individualism continues to slow “momentum”. Dear reader I will tackle this issue in my other instalment.God bless Africa, God bless Zimbabwe!

The Death of Opposition Politics and activism in Zimbabwe

During South Africa’s struggle for independence particularly in the 1960s, there was a period that became to be known as the “Lull”. During this period resistance movements which comprised of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and the African National Congress (ANC) had been smashed by the white government. Robert Simangaliso Sobukwe the leader of PAC together with Nelson Mandela (ANC) had been arrested among other nationalist and the momentum that had been gained towards independence was fast dying down.

With no vibrant leadership, the people found themselves in retrogressive mode and this helped strengthen the white government as it enacted several pieces of legislation that helped fuel the apartheid system. Although new political outfits in the form of the Liberal party were formed, they came short of consolidating the few gains that had been brought by the ANC or PAC.What I find interesting about South African political parties at the time was that in 1955 they founded the Freedom Charter which had a buy in from several races in South Africa. This Charter bore their aspirations and hopes for a new South Africa. The Charter became a reference document or rallying point for the independent movements. The Charter was a compass they used to chart and define the cause of their struggle. Today vibrant politicians such as Julius Malema continue to quote the Charter many years after it was written. My inclination is to write about Zimbabwe lest I drift and wonder away.

Enter the Mugabe and the democrats documentary.

One of the muted debates of our times relates to the new 2013 constitution. The processes that led to the constitution making process itself was shrouded in a lot of controversy. What many wanted was a new constitution which mistakenly, many thought including political leaders, was going to remove ZANU PF from power. They told us the Lancaster constitution didn’t have term limits and that is why Mugabe had overstayed.
The documentary that some good Samaritans managed to record during the shameful constitution making process that was released last year made sad viewing. In it, you came face to face with two desperate co-chairs whose long-time friendship was tested time and again due to different political interests. In this documentary, you had two men desperate to get the job done away with of writing a constitution never mind the irregularities. Today all thanks to this good gesture to publish this revealing documentary, history will absolve and judge. This is a record that future generations will debate and remain on their restless lips.

Today we have a “good” constitution as they put it that cannot even help assist or protect its citizens who are being bombarded from every angle by a desperate government with all forms of abuse. In 2015 we all witnessed how many were dismissed from their jobs. If anything, the constitution actually shields and protects employers who in most cases are the same politicians who have hailed the new constitution as one of the best. The good constitution cannot even protect the exposed and vulnerable in society. Expecting a constitution written by politicians to defend the governed? Maybe in another life.

Of spent forces and disorganized movements

Ever since the 2013 elections which rendered many irrelevant in national politics and took the steam, zeal and passion, what we have seen that opposition parties lacked a fall back plan that would allow them to reorganise ourselves once again. The new constitution which they thought would midwife a raft of changes has thoroughly disappointed them. With over two thirds majority in Parliament, the real game changer lies in the hands of ZANU PF which seems to have power to do anything they want with the constitution.

One of the questions worth asking particularly in relation to the South African scenario is where our reference point in the quest for a free and just Zimbabwe lies. Of course opposition parties have tried with limited success to come up with documents in the form of the NERA’s but lack of buy-in from other stakeholders have rendered such initiatives futile. Now I hear there is a talk of a national convergence platform but all this is coming against a background where opposition politics lack a rallying point where they agree. For them this is a “lull” season where energy levels and strategies seem hard to come by.

The inclusive government divided opposition parties into many halves. While many thought that it was a dawn of a new era, those who didn’t get the chance to be part of it are busy playing the blame game. The momentum that was gained before the inclusive government has fast died down. Today you have many splinter outfits who have dared to launch an offensive but they continue to falter and fail with each passing day. What we have today is a disorganised movement where the battle of egos, personalities and academic qualifications seem to be taking precedence at the expense of real issues that need them, only them, to address.

Bon Voyage 2018

With a disorganised social movement, devoid of plan b, ZANU PF has managed to trivialise issues and divert their focus to the more puzzling responsibility of trying to interpret the threat posed by either G40 or Team Lacoste. In all this seeming madness, the media, which by design and function should be playing a watchdog role, is unfortunately caught up in the factionalism web puzzle. Daily, readers are being treated and fed with stories of how G40 or Team Lacoste is gaining ground though evidence of such hallucinations is hard to come by. Just like before ZANU PF, a master at diverting peoples’, attention has struck again. Remember the Baba Jukwa incident, who rose to national stardom overnight, whose hero status saw him being saluted at rallies. Against a falling memory, time has taken many prisoners.

In the final analysis, it’s imperative for opposition parties to reorganise themselves once again, if ever they dream of making a lasting impression. Better reorganise or go home!

The writer writes from Plumtree.The views expressed are his own.vamagede@gmail.com

Call to reintroduce National Youth Service sinister, premature

I enjoy reading Reason Wafawarova on Thursdays. While many find him partisan and reducible or too angry to give the reader any meaningful nuances or shifts, I have found an interesting transformation in his judgement and analysis of issues. This transformation if I may call it, however has been somewhat cautious in terms of not going too far in his criticism of the current ZANU PF government. His transformation has seen him denouncing corruption especially within government or lack of competencies which continue to manifest itself within some elements in government. For a writer who writes for the Herald, I think due credit especially on being objective must be given to him.

His latest instalment last Thursday titled, “A case for national youth service programme”, saw him make confidential revelations concerning the dreaded National Youth Service (NYS). He chronicles events from the NYS inception right up to its debacle in 2006.He passionately outlines that the NYS service was centred on three pillars-patriotism, unity and nationhood. When one relives the partisan conduct and incidents of violence by graduates from the NYS became, it becomes really difficult to be convinced that the NYS service was really centred on the three said pillars. If anything, the NYS became a ZANU PF dreaded militia responsible for campaigning on behalf of ZANU PF and crushing opposition descent in the country. I remember my uncle who was trained at Mushagashe Training centre, who narrated to me the indoctrination and cheap sloganeering that they were bombarded with during the training which brought out aggression and made them detested by the ordinary man.

The pillar of unity on which Wafawarova alleges to have been one of the founding pillars of the NYS, was only rhetorical as he himself even acknowledges that politicians diverted the programme for their selfish gains. The Border Gezi graduates as they are still known today, were used extensively particularly in the 2002 presidential elections. What even baffles my mind even today was the timing of the NYS.It was started immediately after the 2000 land reform, the referendum and amid a time of popularity by the MDC.All this raises suspicion of the NYS which was being led by politicians like Border Gezi during his stint as Minister of Youth, a staunch Mugabe loyalists. Honestly expecting Gezi, a Mugabe appointee, to implement a programme in a non-partisan manner, is akin to the old adage of not biting the hand that feeds you. This is a point that is rarely flagged when analysing the NYS programme. Unfortunately, against a failing human memory, events take advantage of time past to carve heroism out of the most gruesome deeds.

The NYS must be understood within that context where its success or reintroduction should be measured against its work that it carried out on the ground.Wafawarova doesn’t disagree that the programme was hijacked by politicians, but what he fails to do is to analyse that in the event of the reintroduction of programme, will it be implemented independently without abuse by politicians given that our politicians of the day tend to abuse literally anything as long it achieves their selfish ends.

What I somehow find amusing in Wafawarova article is his passionate plea to try and cleanse the NYS and blame it on politicians whom he says manipulated the programme. While in the article he chronicles acts of “bravery” that he carried out in trying to depoliticise the programme, it remains suspicious as to why he is making such disclosures now.Wafawarova as one of the people behind the programme, should even be answerable today concerning the acts of violence or partisan nature of the NYS graduates. Instead of trying to cry foul and trying to appeal for sympathy from the Ministry of Youths to have the programme reintroduced, he must rather devote his energies to try and unpack to us some of the controversies that still dog the NYS programme.

The call to have “to resell and repackage the NYS in a non-partisan way” not only reveals his desire to have a continuation of abuse of the programme but someone who is bent on having a perpetuation of the abuse of such a programme. In addition, given that the call is being made by someone domiciled in Australia even makes the whole issue a big joke. The fact that Minister Zhuwao is against or has ignored Wafawarova overtures is very revealing in modern day Zimbabwe where factionalism particularly within ZANU PF, might even have serious implications on the implementation of the programme.

For now Wafawarova must continue churning out more revealing articles concerning how they administered the NYS and start a discussion which will allow, citizens to evaluate the misdeeds of some of the graduates from the NYS.

In the final analysis, Wafawarova must however be credited for sparking such a debate concerning the NYS service since it already has a bad image especially when it comes to its conduct during election times. This debate is necessary in modern Zimbabwe where prevalence of peace has implications on development.

Rawlings Magede is a rural political enthusiast based in Nkayi, Matebeleland North Province vamagede@gmail.com

ZIMBABWE AND THE POLITICS OF THE PURSE

When extremism is unjustifiable

It started as a loosely coordinated group under one, Mallam Mohammed Yusuf, a fiery scholar resident in Maiduguri, the largest city of Bono state in North-eastern Nigeria. The first open challenge to government authority in this area was by a tiny group of people who withdrew from the urban landscape of Maiduguri to rural Kanama in the Yunusari local government area of Yobe State in north-eastern Nigeria in December 2003. They referred to themselves as the “Nigerian Taleban”.

Their choice of rural Kanama as camp was made with an eye for military details. This site was carefully chosen for its remoteness and defensibility. The Kanama camp was forested and ensconced between two bodies of water near the Nigeria–Niger border. Trenches were dug and camouflaged across the only two access roads from Kanama and the exit road to Niger Republic, and sandbags were used to reinforce the defences. The militants then launched attacks on police stations and government buildings and generally wreaked havoc on the Yunusari, Tarmuwa, Borsari, Geidam, and Damaturu local government areas of Yobe State between 21 December 2003 and 1 January 2004.This marked the beginning of this group terrorist activity which later became known as Boko Harram.

The name Boko Haram is Hausa translation which means Western education forbidden, when it started as a small group, even the Nigerian government never envisaged that this small group was going to transform into one of the most notorious, detested and feared terrorist groups today.

There is no argument as to the threat posed by Boko Harram and today it remains a prickle to African governments who continue to govern in fear of the unknown. Neighbouring Cameroon considered too sympathetic to Boko Haram, has not done much to close down the operations of Boko Harram which operates freely without going through strict security measures and interceptions. Actually Boko Harram moves freely between the Nigerian and Cameroonian boarder, undisturbed.

This terrorist group has actually surpassed the vision of its founder Yusuf, who according to many would never had justified Boko Harram recent terrorist activities. Rather as a way of venting its discontent, it has caused mayhem, the most extreme being the kidnapping of Chibok girls which caused world outcry as government officials wailed and pleaded on national television for the immediate release of the girls.

Whatever their cause, terrorism remains an evil way of settling matters. Taking matters into their own hands as a way of fighting such a war cannot be justified. The news that Nigeria has surpassed South Africa as the biggest economy is no cause for celebration as the new Nigerian government led by President Buhari has more pressing problems at home rather than celebrate statistics that are under constant threat by the risk caused by terrorism. What remains true is that Nigeria has potential and has gone through serious corruption episodes that continue to threaten its status as having the biggest economies in Africa. According to recent data from the World Bank, the Nigerian economy grew from $453 billion to $264 billion.

Of multipartism and madness

The recent weeks have been full of drama full swing on the Zimbabwean political landscape. Against a failing memory, the new political entrants have been paraded before an unsuspecting electorate which by way of hindsight, the media underestimates its ability to discern points of deception. Of course the media must be credited for its quest to vamp up its diminishing sales and take advantage of time past to carve heroism out of the most mundane of deeds. While the new constitution provides for political rights where every citizen can exercise their democratic right to form a political party, what is misleading is that whoever proposed having multiple political parties as a means to dislodge ZANU PF might have prescribed wrong medicine.

While manifestos have been speedily written under the cover of darkness so as to “appear” alive and busy, our eyes have read them in order to BUILD our understanding and have HOPE for tomorrow. The propensity to revel in past glory (if any) poses a bigger threat to society especially when the parties involved never govern come election time. The very weakness of these political parties is lack of organic support and come election time in 2018, this advantage would have come uninvited for ZANU PF.

While some people have even publicly declare their affiliations to parties that are yet to see the light of day, the furore that the multiplicity of the parties has generated is very misleading. Others have even gone to dangerous levels of calling Mujuru a game changer within the political matrix. What lacks in some of these misleading debates is the ability to discern points of weakness. What even surprises me is that the parties involved barely have power or influence at all.

The controversy that surrounds some of these so-called leaders of these parties leaves a lot of “buts” rather than “why’s” on our restless lips. You eat for 35 years, seamless, restless non-stop until one day grief and disaster visits you. You recant the self-described misdeeds all those years, then mobilise a tear or two to show remorse. Unbeknown to these people, in politics, just like AIDS, the curer for regret is hard to come by and it still to be discovered and developed. Saying sorry will not make the electorate change their perception about you. Ask Makoni and Dabengwa.


It’s cold out there!


During the President’s wrong speech in Parliament, ZANU PF parliamentarians ululated and celebrated as their leader read the wrong speech. A lot of questions emerge over such display of madness. Why full grown man would celebrate a stale speech just reveals that Parliament has just been reduced to a place of zombies, who lack reasoning and judgement.

When you have legislators such as Chinotimba with their misplaced and blacked out judgement of the wrong speech, then it just proves the sorry state of our politics. The attitude that was displayed by the ZANU PF legislators clearly reveal that to them, Zimbabwean politics is no longer about making sense but endorsing and supporting even what seems irrational .Our politics is now also about appearing foolish so that when you plunder and “eat” it becomes justifiable.ZANU PF will ensure at all costs that even if we go to elections with the economy having breathed its last, victory has to come at all costs. What they are more concerned about is winning at all costs and that they are already guaranteed in the form of a very loyal ZEC which has proved in the past that it’s the real game changer and not some powerless individuals that the media is affording acres of space in their publications.

Bon Voyage 2018!

While the excitement and fever of having new political entrants who, many believe will pose a challenge to ZANU PF grips many, what remains true is that the chances of a single minority party dislodging ZANU PF are slim, if any.

That is the biggest tale with so long a shadow possibly one casting itself far afield into year 2018, the year of decision.


Rawlings Magede writes in his own capacity. He can be contacted on vamagede@gmail.com